THE ROLE OF THE "ONE BELT-ONE ROAD" INITIATIVE IN CHINA'S NEW ECONOMIC ORDER
Mohammad
Jamshidi
Assistant Professor; Regional Studies, Faculty Law & Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
Hesam
Khatami
MA Student; Southeast Asia, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University Of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
One of the strategic and significant concerns of the global politics is, at present, economic and sometimes political actions of China. The behavioral study of China's economic boom in recent decades suggests the emergence of a new great power that does not even conceal its desire and thirst for becoming a hegemon at times. The main question is that how the new Silk Road can affect the realization of China's intended new economic order. To answer this question, the writer will explain, using the power transition theory and a descriptive-analytical method, that China has serious desires to dominate the global politics, and that the One Belt, One Road Initiative is a significant step in this difficult path. Although the enforcement of the initiative may turn Beijing into the world’s top economic power, China has a long way to go for becoming a hegemon.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
v.
1
no.
2020
1
20
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76879_54282a2e0b25331b1c25b07e553712b7.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.252019.1007223
THE RELATION PATTERN OF KEY FACTORS AFFECTING FOREIGN POLICY OF ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN
Mohammad Jafar
Javadi Arjmand
Associate Professor; Political Science Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
Mossadegh
Ganjkhanlou
PhD; Political Science; Political Science Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
In the conditions that the evolution and fluctuations in idealism and pragmatism transition has made it difficult to achieve the cognitive patterns of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, we are inevitably forced to recognize the effective factors and the relationships between them in analyzing foreign policy. For this purpose, the present study using Structural Analysis and Technique of Interaction Impact Analysis tries to answer this question: what is the relationship pattern of key factors affecting foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In the course of answering the question, thirty six key factors influencing foreign policy were identified. After creating a matrix and ranking of the interactions of the factors on each other, these factors based on the degree of effectiveness and affectedness, were distributed into five categories of explanatory, intermediate, result, regulator and independent variables. The distribution of these factors in an effectiveness and affectedness chart indicates the instability of the foreign policy system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The analysis of the pattern obtained from the Micmac software output represented that the interaction of the level of analysis in assessing actors in the external environment can result in a security dilemma. In the domestic environment as well, differences in the governance paradigm can undermine positions and decisions in the foreign policy arena.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
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no.
2020
21
43
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76880_f4f6e2dacd4a1ef84843502a621afe1b.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.277711.1007399
POLITICAL FORM IN CRITICAL TRUTH THEORY: A CASE STUDY ON GIORGIO AGAMBEN'S PLAN
Seyed Majid
Hosseyni
Assistant Professor; Political Science Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
Amir
Ragheb
MA ; Political Science Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
Nietzsche - the antecedent of critical philosophy - in his work, "on the genealogy of morality" said the main problem of life for mankind, isn't suffering but that's the meaning of his pains. So, if we consider this frequent struggle to "find meaning" beyond ideologies and normative regimes of truth as a center of critical philosophy discourse, then, we will find that the critical philosophy has firm linkage with the resuscitation of "Truth". This is also true in world that truth in one hand is victim of the wake of values such as utility and fun, and one the other hand it has become a victim of violence and fundamentalism. It is clear that in this battle for truth, the thing that is important isn't only founding of a "ontology of truth", but drawing a "figure" that this theory of truth bring to human relationships. This is a "figure" that is revealed more than anything anywhere, in the form of politics. In this paper, we follow theoretical philosopher’s critical efforts to rebuild the relationship between a "truth" in politics, through the theory of Giorgio Agamben, contemporary critical philosopher; where Agamben is trying to get - through the anthropology and the theory of truth - apparatus or the form for human relationships, that people aspire to truth lay in the creative and free from domination acts.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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45
63
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76881_abcfe18acde9b179ac75e09b056d147c.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.220624.1006953
THE IMPACTS OF MODERNITY PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATIONS ON JUSTIFYING THE BASIS OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS
Hassan
Khosravi
Associate Professor; Public Law Department, Payame Noor University, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
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The election as a mechanism of applying popular sovereignty, self-determination and peaceful transfer of power has an important role in a democratic system. The establishment of any political and legal system is justified on the certain theoretical foundations. Since the election has efficiency in the context of democratic system and the idea of democracy has been formed in modernity time, this fundamental question arises whether the theoretical and philosophical foundations of modernity has affected justifying the process of the elections in a democratic system? The article with a descriptive-analytical approach and with the aim of providing an image of the modernity impact on the democratic elections seeks to reach these conclusions that the subjective and objective events and evolutions of the modernity has made the major changes in the basis of ontology, epistemology and anthropology of western society. After the democratic system was established, therefore, the institutions of this system such as election in the content, procedures and structure have been influenced by the modernity theoretical foundations.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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65
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https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76882_b4288d6609f27d67c24ae77b65bfca4d.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.228442.1007026
SPIRITUAL LEADERSHIP IN IRANIAN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF HENRY CORBIN
Insha-Allah
Rahmati
Professor; Islamic Azad University, Tehran Central Branch, Tehran, Iran
author
Majid
Sarvand
PhD Student; Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
The prominence of the spirit of spiritualism in the mind and conscience of the Iranian people, and of course its reflection on the ontology, anthropology, and epistemology of Iranian thought, will also have its consequences in dealing with politics. In this study, from this perspective we intend to examine the position, quiddity and continuity of spiritual leadership and spiritual politics, and in particular the Shah Armani and spiritual province in Iranian philosophy. In this context, Henry Corbin's ideas, as a philosopher who refers to this Iranian talent in his works, and his understanding and perception of the above themes, have guided our path and purpose. We try to evaluate foundations of Shah Armani and spiritual province in Iranian political ontology. We need to move from the field of "political science" to "political philosophy" with the following coordinates. In short, the understanding of the Shah Armani and spiritual province, and, in general, esoteric politics here is comprehensible in profound, trans-historical, and fundamentally context. This is distinct from the historical and objective level of politics. There is no formal reduction or comparison with its existing facts. In our view, Corbin intends to emphasize the spiritual dimension of prophecy and Imamate, to distinguish between spiritual sovereignty, province, leadership, and guidance with its apparent and worldly form, to speak of a concept called spiritual government, province and leadership. To this end, he uses the originality of the spiritual and esoteric world and inner time and history in Iranian philosophy and the emphasis there on the utopia and Shah Armani and Saviorism.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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2020
85
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https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76883_f1e6edc076e8a9cef8ea22ab16485365.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.238238.1007135
AMERICA'S STRATEGIC ROTATION FROM THE PERSIAN GULF TO ASIA – PACIFIC
Bahador
Zarei
Assistant Professor; Political Geography Faculty of Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
Farzad
Piltan
PhD; International Relations, Guest Researcher in Scientific Research and Middle East Strategic Studies Center
author
text
article
2020
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The geography of oil and gas in the twentieth century can highly affect arrival, influence and role of trans-regional powers in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. The Persian Gulf oil and gas resources were discovered before the First World War and postwar devastation caused by a major role in the restoration. It seems that many of the great powers in the Persian Gulf region has been affected by the existence of rich and inexpensive source of energy. The fundamental purpose of this study is to evaluate and exploit its shale oil and gas reserves in America, Canada and Europe and the impact that this new political behavior of America's European and other powerful actors can stabilize energy security in the first half of the century. The main feature of the huge resources of oil and gas is from shale strategic shift of America from the Persian Gulf to Asia - Pacific in competition and cooperation with three major regional powers of China, India and Japan and greater engagement with ASEAN and Australia. Asia - Pacific in the twenty-first century is cradle of the concentration of capital, technology and huge market consumption of goods and services.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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50
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no.
2020
111
131
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76884_5510744b1c171fa641b12ef05f636eb2.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.200804.1006746
CHINA'S REGIME-BUILDING IN THE EAST ASIA
Bahareh
Sazmand
Associated Professor; Regional Studies Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
Ahmad
Ramezani
PhD Student; Regional Studies Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
One of the realities of the current century is the existence of different regimes and organizations for cooperation between countries in thematic areas. This has grown dramatically, especially after the Cold War, as the number of established regimes is abundant connected the world as a network of communication texture. China is among the emerging countries. It has been able to make its second economy in the world for two to three decades. The main question here is why China has created regimes in East Asia. Using this explanatory method, interest and maximizing interests are the main motivations for China to create regional regimes, and it is argued that China is seeking economic incentives to develop regimes in order to consolidate its position. In this regard, China have supported or formed ASEAN+3, China-ASEAN Free Trade Area, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and the Belt and Road Initiative. The proposed approach in this study is interest-based regimes and the compilation method of materials by library and documentary.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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2020
133
151
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76885_4ae1af19cef1d98133b75521a4ecbe0d.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.249369.1007203
THE BELIEF SYSTEM AS A COGNITIVE MAP IN THE STUDY OF FOREIGN POLICY
Gholamali
Soleimani
Assistant Professor; Regional Studies, Faculty Law & Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
The purpose of this paper is to examine the process of the belief system in foreign policy. The belief system entered the field of foreign policy and international relations using the achievements of psychology in the 1960s. The link between psychology and foreign policy led to the most important feature of the belief system, the coherence of beliefs or cognitive consistency. The assumption of cognitive consistency theory is that human beings understand the world by relying on their key beliefs and are trying to maintain the coherence of their beliefs. Moreover, this key issue has made the review of the belief system of foreign policy decision makers one of the priorities of research, especially at the micro level of foreign policy decision making. So, the question by what mechanism or methodological mechanisms could explain the system of beliefs and opinions of foreign policy decision makers. It seems that the belief system can be considered as a cognitive map based on three layers of beliefs, including worldviews, ideologies, and foreign policy doctrines.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
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1
no.
2020
153
172
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76886_912736f477066cf793d55531008ff351.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.260416.1007270
THE TYPOLOGY OF POLITICAL CULTURE AND ITS PATHOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS FOR POLITICAL STABILITY AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN CONTEMPORARY IRAN
Hamed
Shiri
Assistant Professor; Department of Social Sciences, Payame Noor University, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
The purpose of this paper aim is to recognize types of political culture and pathological relations between these types and political development in contemporary Iran. The theoretical framework is based on this presumption that if political culture types do not strengthen political stability and also do not reinforcement civil society – as essential components of political development – they will have pathological consequences. The study method is documentary, and uses interpretation and analytical techniques. Tribal, ethnically fragmented, mass and populist, Islamic, and identity-based political culture of youth and women are specific types of political culture in contemporary Iranian society. The results also suggest that the political culture types not only have a convergence with political development but in some cases threaten political stability and undermine civil society.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
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1
no.
2020
173
189
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76887_a1aae05c716bbf82548d730d7f530f00.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.238281.1007101
MAX WEBER AND THE REVIVAL OF POLITICAL GOVERNANCE IN THE AGE OF INSTRUMENTAL RATIONALITY
Abdal-Rahman
Alem
Professor; Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
Mostafa
Pendashtehpoor
PhD Student; Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
Instrumental Rationality has vastly dominated the modern era along with different aspects of human life. Governance is no exception from this trend as we can see the deep impact of bureaucracy on political agendas. Through extensive research on historical and philosophical foundations of the modern governance while prescribing the democratic variant, Weber sought to restore political governance to the very people of Germany. He had a firm belief that the bureaucratic influence on political agendas can be substantially reformed by a democratically elected politician entrusted with professional ethics that are required for the realization of the nation’s right to self-determination. This paper aims to emphasize on the relation between the political models and the historical indications which is an integral component for the reformation of a modern government devoid of limitations posed by bureaucratic systems. Based on the rationale derived from this study and by envisaging a Weberian approach, it can be concluded that a coherent model of democratic government based on historical indications is utterly attainable.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
v.
1
no.
2020
191
210
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76888_d84a17135e269cc32e732c110347c66d.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.211734.1006857
BIELEFELD'S APPROACH AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT IN CONTEMPORARY IRAN
Mohammad
Abdolahpour Chenari
Assistant Professor; Political Science, Faculty of Law and Theology, Shahid Bahonar University
author
text
article
2020
per
Bielefeld's historians, along with other important historiographical schools, have achieved success in the second half of the 20th century in providing a new approach for studying social phenomena. In this approach, historians, with the emphasis on the theory of social science, believe that the study of structures, generalities, and trends in a particular time period, especially contemporary, should be on the agenda of the historian of society. Consequently, the study of other dimensions of phenomena should be in parentheses. The article claims that the above-mentioned approach can have important implications for the historiography of ideas, in the broad sense of the word, and political thought in Iran: Important epistemic implications, such as linking ideas and society, emphasizing the study of trends shaping ideas, and finally, focusing on the general and collective structures of ideas. But in the ontological notions, the above-mentioned approach does not take precedence over the existence of ideas, and in methodological implications, the use of quantitative methods by this approach can not be a way to understand political ideas in general. Thus, the Bielefeld approach epistemically in some cases can have important implications for the history of political ideas, especially in Iran. However, in terms of an ontological and methodological approach, in the context of the historiography of ideas, its implications must be subjected to modest adjustments, in order to provide a sufficient understanding of historical phenomena in Iran.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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211
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https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76889_862c24ac8f7ae29e19f4c1030a51ea01.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.243373.1007160
NEOLIBERALISM AND THE REBIRTH OF RETRIBUTIVISM
Faezeh
Fakhar
PhD; Criminal Law and Criminology, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
The resurrection of neo-retributivism in the American criminal justice system, with its ideology of proportional punishments, a harsh justice system, and maintenance of social ethics, in the last decades of the 20th century, is a subject that requires more explanation. Some thinkers attribute this phenomenon to basic changes in legal theories or cultural and social structures. But there have been few studies about the nature of political changes which can be operative in this new criminal policy trend. In this study, therefore, we try to clarify new inclinations in political philosophy that have been effective in the resurrection of this new criminal policy. Therefore, it can be concluded that changes in the structure of liberalism, which have led to the rise of neo-liberalism, can well explain much more about the rise of the policies of neo-retributivism during last decades of twentieth century.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
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1
no.
2020
229
248
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76890_2386bb3eb3c970f1be6bbd047c0bee47.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.140601.1006701
ANALYSIS OF EMERGING TAKFIRI COMMUNITIES BASED ON WEBER'S CHARISMATIC THEORY
Nayyere
Ghavi
Assistant Professor; Research Institute for Islamic Sciences and Culture
author
text
article
2020
per
Rise, growth and development of abrasive streams such as ISIS are of the mist important events of the West Asia. Understanding this phenomenon as a new form of Salafigari modern activities requires an appropriate theoretical framework. By examining charismatic theory of Weber, this research investigates formation and function of ISIS and in response to the question "what is Weber charismatic theory approach for ISIS?" It says that "considering the match of derived models of governance structure and conceptual model of charismatic in Weber thoughts for nature of ISIS, we can view it as contemporary charismatic movements. This research was performed by descriptive-analytic method.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
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2020
249
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https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76891_9cc6ca509e368c5eb09b3b098a36a91c.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.250861.1007231
THE POLITICAL EFFECTS OF NUCLEAR TECHNOLOGY TO THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN NATIONAL POWER
Hosein
Karimifard
Associate Professor; Department of Political Sciences, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran
author
Alireza
Bineshfar
MA; Department of Political Sciences, Khuzestan Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
National power is the capability of a country to use its own resources in an optimized way with the aim of exerting its will and national interests. An increase in power of competition and the sphere of influence of any country in the world is the result of upgrading the national power components. It seems intelligent approach to the sources of power like nuclear technology causes a production of national power, geopolitical weight and an improvement in sphere of influence and global standing of Iran. It also causes a jump in solving political and geopolitical challenges of Iran. Ranking the national power of different governments of a country facilitates their cognition, clears national interactions and helps people with making national goals true and also protecting national interest. This research has an analytical and explanatory attitude and uses a method of measuring national power and also uses a multi-criteria decision-making compensatory to answer the question of whether acquiring nuclear technology in the studied intervals had led to an improvement in political component of national power or not? The results confirm this thoughtful approach.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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2020
271
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https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76892_a73c1f43f7b5b03b6380dda79bd1dc94.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.235597.1007078
AN EVALUATION OF THE CAPACITIES AND DEFICIENCIES OF NORMATIVE ETHICS IN STATESMANSHIP
“UTILITARIAN- DEONTOLOGICAL ETHICS” AS AN ENDEAVOUR TOWARDS CONSISTENCY BETWEEN MORALITY AND POLITICS
Seyed Ali
Mahmoudi
Associate Professor; Department of Regional Studies and International Relations, School of International Relations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the I.R. of Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
Attaining consistency and coordination between morality and politics is a vital necessity for achieving a moral-oriented political structure and statesmanship. Therefore, three schools of virtue ethics, utilitarianism, and deontological ethics are evaluated in order that their capacities and deficiencies are explained and revealed. For this purpose, we have used the methodology of conceptual analysis and critical evaluation within analytic philosophy. The outcome of this study suggests that merely one of the triple moral schools cannot be sufficient to provide consistency between morality and politics. Therefore, my proposed solution is to take some propositions from utilitarianism and deontological ethics together with Golden Rule to exploit the potential of these two schools of thought on the one hand, and to make divergence in the contradiction and inconsistency in moral politics on the other. The point of departure for this compilation is a political morality which enjoys theoretical theme, and the applied capacity in the realm of politics.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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305
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76893_042668952022ba720fbc62fc91d4669c.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.256233.1007248
JEAN JACQUES ROUSSEAU AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN IDEA OF CITIZENSHIP
Shervin
Moghimi Zanjani
Professor; Faculty Member of Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies
author
text
article
2020
per
The mainstream approach in interpreting the Rousseau's political philosophy stipulates the understanding of Rousseau to the understanding of his "essential distinction" from Hobbes and Lock. Therefore, in this approach, the understanding of the modern idea of citizenship which underwent a fundamental evolution through Rousseau's philosophy is dependent on the understanding of that "essential distinction". But, we should not ignore the tight relationship between the Rousseau's political philosophy and Hobbes's new political design, in spite of its complexity and multilayered character. In fact, Rousseau like his modern predecessors confirms that human being in naturally a political and that for analyzing human condition we must begin with the idea of "individual". In this article, our purpose is to show that the understanding of Rousseau's political philosophy and thereby understanding of the idea of citizenship in Rousseau's thought is comprehensible more through the development and the radicalization of Hobbes's idea of the individual than through the "essential distinction". According to our reasoning the idea of "the individual possessed unconditional right in the state of nature" as the foundation of the new approach to politics is just the same idea hinders us to take this "distinction" into account as an "essential" one. Therefore, the fact that distinguishes Rousseauian citizenship from Hobbesian citizenship is the development and the radicalization of Hobbesian premises. This can lead to the conception of citizenship turned into second nature of the modern man.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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2020
307
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https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76894_b56f00b16cbaaa77d0eebf15b90e4144.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.254331.1007236
INTERNATIONAL MARITIME ORGANIZATION (IMO) AND ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES (CAUSED BY HUMAN ACTIVITY) IN PERSIAN GULF
Seyed Hasan
Mirfakhraei
Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran
author
Zeynab
Priabbasi
Post graduate; International Relations, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
In terms of geopolitical and energy resources and strategic view, Persian Gulf is considered as an important critical sea in the world, and as a semi-closed sea, it has an exclusive ecosystem among world's seas. Regrettably, despite these advantages, now, this gulf is a landfill for very dangerous pollutants, and pollution impacts on environment exacerbated by geographical conditions in Persian Gulf. International Maritime Organization as one of expert organizations of United Nations in environmental phenomena is responsible for finding a solution for Persian Gulf's pollution problem by supervision, following up and updating conventions' contents and either codifying new regulations. Declaration of Persian Gulf as a special marine area and codifying other environmental conventions in interaction with Ports and Maritime Organization in Iran is assessed in this way. The main goal of this research is analyze the role of the procedures and mechanisms of International Maritime Organization in preventing Persian Gulf from pollution. Hence, we propound this supposition that by implementing standards and environmental regulations of International Maritime Organization in Persian Gulf's seaports in Iran, Persian Gulf's water is prevented from more pollution. Therefore, we use theoretical framework of neo-liberal institutionalism for that.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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2020
327
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https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76895_9ef3b3d4408aaea7c7cd40cbff5f8d9e.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.238953.1007110
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SECURITY AND FREEDOM FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF SAYYID QOTB, BASED ON THE ALLAMEH TABATABA'I RECRUITMENT THEORY
Aliasghar
Nasiri
Assistant Professor; Faculty Member of the Department of Islamic Studies, Shahroud University of Technology
author
Najaf
Lakzaee
Professor; Faculty member of Bagher-ol-ulum University (AS) and head of the Institute of Islamic Sciences and Culture
author
text
article
2020
per
The application of security studies plays an important role in regulating social relations. The relationship between security and freedom in human societies is one of the topics of security studies. Understanding the views of Islamic thinkers on the relationship between security and freedom is one of the methods helpful in regulating that relationship. Seyed Qutb is one of the thinkers who discussed security issues in his works. However, little research has been done about that. This article seeks to provide Seyed Qutb's perspective on the relationship between security and freedom in three dimensions: political, cultural, and economic. The question here is what is the relationship between security and freedom in the mind of Sayyid Qutb? To answer this question, the method of argumentation and the division of the theory of employment of Allameh Tabatabai (RA) has been used as a theoretical framework. One of the most important findings of this article is that neither security nor freedom takes precedence over the idea of Sayyid Qutb, but there is a transcendent interaction between the two. According to Sayyid Qutb, this interaction stems from the application of Islamic law. It is about security and freedom, and it is only in Islamic society that such a relationship between security and freedom is established. The results of this study, while creating scientific development in issues related to security and freedom, are used in legislation and conflict resolution in the political system.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
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2020
345
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https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76896_9b635a7b7d83399443a676c39550ac7b.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.242042.1007137
QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE STATUS OF POLITICAL SCIENCE EDUCATION IN IRAN: CASE STUDY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE STUDENTS AT UNIVERSITY OF TEHRAN
Ali Ashraf
Nazari
Associate Professor; Department of Political Sciences, University of Tehran,Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
Analyzing and evaluating existing perspectives on political science can provide a meaningful and accurate understanding of the revival of applied and efficient knowledge systems. Meanwhile, measuring students' attitudes about the current state of political science in Iran can provide a basis for analyzing the status quo and the aspects of political science in an analytical framework. In this paper, the quantitative and qualitative status of political science education will be measured, evaluated and analyzed from the viewpoint of students of the political sciences of University of Tehran. The statistical population of this research includes all 1270 students in Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Tehran in the academic year 2017-2018. The appropriate sample size is presented in terms of accuracy and homogeneity of the population at 95% confidence level. The sample size is 336 people. In order to measure the status quo, variables in the relationship between education, research, degree of interest in the discipline, degree of satisfaction with the course, the degree of willingness to do research work and selected group activities represent the students' attitude in this field. In order to collect relevant data, a main questionnaire was used that asks to assess their attitudes in order to express their views through open questions designed. The main objective of this paper is to explain the strengths and weaknesses of political science education through the provision of strategic perspectives for outlining the issues and problems in the field of political science and promoting its status among academic disciplines. In order to analyze the views of students on strategies for improving and improving the status of political science in Iran, views were first categorized using qualitative analysis methods and then analyzed using statistical analysis of its status.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
v.
1
no.
2020
367
383
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76898_89654857af8749de7b5a1524ee74aa40.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.252367.1007224
THE CRISIS IN KIRKUK IN THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE REGION AND FUTURE SCENARIOS
Ahmad
Naghibzadeh
Professor; Political Sciences, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
Mohamad
Kak Hamad
PhD Graduate ; Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2020
per
The city of Kirkuk, located in Kurdistan of Iraq as a geopolitical region of the Middle East, has been one of the main causes of the emergence of crises and challenges among the Kurdistan, Iraq over the last 100 years. Given the importance of this geographical location, it can be characterized by its oil-richness, ethnic-religious diversity, territorial claims and a historical ethnic group that kept alive the possibility of the emergence and tension of the region. This situation has turned Kirkuk from an issue into a national and international crisis. In this study, while briefly describing the geographical, historical, political and economic characteristics of Kirkuk and its emergence of the crisis and ethnic-geopolitical conflicts over it, it is to analyze the crisis experienced during the period of the federal system of Iraq and also describing of the possible path to geopolitical developments in the region. The study is to analyze the impact of the Kirkuk crisis on developments in Iraq and the region and the future scenarios. Hence, it appears that the crisis in Kirkuk has affected the developments in Iraq and the region, and now faces the Iraqi federal system with deeper gaps than those in the past. This actual crisis, with the impact of regional developments, has the potential of geopolitical changes. This situation has made the Iraqi government's relations with the Kurdistan region vulnerable and fragile and has left Kirkuk's future ambiguous, with multiple scenarios for the future of Kirkuk. The findings have provided several possibilities for resolving the challenge, but the groups do not agree on most of the scenarios, and the possibility that crisis will become more critical and at the worst case the federal system might collapse and possibly it could be beginning of new era of geopolitical situation. The paper has been drafted in four parts: the first part is the synthesis of geopolitical theory and conflict, the second part is the general characteristics of Kirkuk, the third part is the cycle of crisis in the new developments and the role played by actors involved, and finally, the fourth part is the leading possibilities and the solution to the dispute.
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
v.
1
no.
2020
385
401
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_76899_e0ae5c2be4264e522d96d4c0780d58b8.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.267034.1007321
English Abstracts
text
article
2020
per
POLITICAL QUARTERLY
دانشگاه تهران
1735-9678
50
v.
1
no.
2020
1
20
https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_79180_46f87b1696707260f87c2c757c7188fc.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22059/jpq.2020.79180