دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 11 20 The impact of good governance on the development of science and technology: a case study of Singapore تاثیر حکمرانی خوب بر توسعه علم و فناوری:مطالعه موردی کشورسنگاپور 646 615 103731 10.22059/jpq.2025.375785.1008175 FA محمدجعفر جوادی ارجمند دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. حامد آقایی دانش‌آموختة کارشناسی ارشد، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 1403 08 15 Introduction This article examines the impact of good governance on the development of science and technology in Singapore, emphasizing indicators such as rule of law, transparency, accountability, government effectiveness, political stability, and corruption control. The theoretical framework is built upon the concept of good governance, as described by the World Bank and further developed by economists like Joseph Stiglitz, which posits that effective governance structures are fundamental to fostering economic and technological advancement by creating an environment conducive to investment, innovation, and public trust. In Singapore, the rule of law plays a pivotal role in shaping an efficient legal framework that protects intellectual property rights, attracts foreign investments, and ensures a fair legal system for local and international businesses alike; establishing a trusted judicial system and providing regulatory clarity has positioned Singapore as a hub for international dispute resolution and a key location for companies seeking a secure environment for innovation. Corruption control is another critical factor, with Singapore’s rigorous anti-corruption measures, led by institutions such as the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB), aiming to minimize corruption, create an equitable playing field for businesses, and encourage foreign direct investment in high-tech sectors; CPIB’s proactive strategies, including increased salaries for civil servants and strict enforcement of corruption laws, have contributed to a transparent system that appeals to investors and fosters economic stability. Political stability is also underscored as essential for sustainable scientific and technological growth; by maintaining a stable political environment through long-term governance by the ruling People’s Action Party, Singapore has cultivated a landscape that supports infrastructure investment and scientific research, with the stability and predictability of the political climate further boosting Singapore’s reputation and attracting multinational corporations and research institutions, particularly in sectors like biotechnology that require long-term investments in a reliable environment. Government effectiveness, a cornerstone of Singapore’s success, has been vital for implementing and sustaining good governance practices; the government has developed digital solutions and streamlined processes, such as the efficient startup registration process that takes just over a day, significantly faster than regional averages, while also investing extensively in digital skills, research support, and technological advancement to create a business-friendly environment aligned with Singapore’s ambition to be a global innovation hub. Transparency and accountability are further emphasized as key elements, as Singapore’s high level of transparency—exhibited through initiatives like SingPass, a government digital service platform—makes information readily accessible, reduces bureaucratic delays, and limits opportunities for corruption, thereby enhancing public trust and enabling a faster pace of innovation by reducing regulatory burdens on entrepreneurs and innovators. The theoretical framework situates Singapore’s approach within a broader global context, suggesting that good governance can serve as a catalyst for science and technology development in developing nations; the article argues that implementing reforms such as strengthening the rule of law, reducing corruption, and improving government effectiveness can lay the groundwork for sustainable growth and innovation, especially when coupled with a collaborative approach involving government, private sector, and academic institutions to amplify these impacts. In conclusion, the article highlights Singapore as a model of good governance that leverages its governance indicators to foster scientific and technological growth—through robust legal frameworks, anti-corruption measures, political stability, effective governance, and high transparency—resulting in significant economic and innovation gains; these practices could serve as a valuable framework for countries seeking to advance their science and technology sectors, and the article recommends that developing nations consider Singapore’s model as a benchmark and focus on policy reforms that integrate principles of good governance to build an innovation-driven economy. این پژوهش به بررسی تأثیر شاخص‌های حکمرانی خوب بر توسعۀ علم و فناوری، با تمرکز بر کشور سنگاپور، می‌پردازد. مسئلۀ اصلی پژوهش این است که چگونه شاخص‌های حکمرانی خوب نظیر حاکمیت قانون، کنترل فساد و اثربخشی دولت، می‌توانند نقش مؤثری در پیشبرد توسعۀ علمی و فناورانه ایفا کنند. فرضیۀ پژوهش این است که اجرای اصول حکمرانی خوب می‌تواند به ایجاد زیرساخت‌های مناسب، جذب سرمایه‌گذاری خارجی و ارتقای نوآوری کمک کند. روش پژوهش توصیفی-تحلیلی است و داده‌ها از منابع کتابخانه‌ای و گزارش‌های بین‌المللی گردآوری شده‌اند. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که سنگاپور با بهره‌گیری از شاخص‌های حکمرانی خوب، توانسته به کشوری پیشرو در نوآوری‌های فناورانه تبدیل شود و رشد پایدار اقتصادی را تجربه کند. این پژوهش بر اهمیت تدوین راهبرد‌های عملیاتی و تقویت حکمرانی خوب در کشورهای در حال توسعه برای تسریع پیشرفت علم و فناوری تأکید دارد.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103731_17aaacc431c1479b433bf9d6cae9521d.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 09 23 The Role of the State, Creative Destruction, and the End of the Private Sector in the 1960s تخریب خلاق، نقش دولت و فرجام بخش خصوصی در دهه 1340ش 673 647 103736 10.22059/jpq.2025.382352.1008211 FA سعید حاجی ناصری استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. مهند حامدی دکترای علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2024 09 18 The role of government in economic development and industrialization has been a central theme in Iran's political economy, especially during the second Pahlavi era. This article employs Peter Evans' institutionalist framework, which delineates four government roles—trustee, curator, midwife, and nurturer—to analyze Iran's evolving economic policies. In the late 1950s, confronted with resource shortages, the government established the Ministry of Economy under Alinaghi Alikhani, adopting midwife and nurturer roles to support the private sector. This approach contributed to significant economic growth in the 1960s, with the private sector experiencing notable development. However, the Shah and his elites grew increasingly wary of industrial feudalism and the concept of creative destruction, fearing that the private sector might challenge state control. The 1970s marked a dramatic shift driven by rising oil revenues. The government abandoned its supportive roles, transitioning to curator and employer functions by taking direct control of industries. This interventionist stance marginalized the private sector, stifling innovation and competition while expanding state-owned enterprises. This article critically examines these transitions, highlighting tensions between state-led development and private sector growth. It underscores how shifting government roles shaped Iran's economic trajectory—leading to the rise of state-controlled industries and the decline of private enterprises. By analyzing the relationship between policies and outcomes, the study offers a nuanced understanding of the development challenges faced during the Pahlavi era. It emphasizes the importance of institutional frameworks in shaping economic strategies and highlights the difficulties in balancing state control with private sector dynamism. The findings provide valuable lessons for policymakers, stressing the need for a balanced approach that leverages both the strengths of the state and the private sector. Additionally, the article raises critical questions about the long-term consequences of state intervention, particularly regarding the trade-offs between rapid industrialization and sustainable economic growth. Introduction The economic development and growth during the second Pahlavi era are often viewed through conflicting lenses. Some argue that the regime engaged in precise planning, citing growth indicators and industrialization efforts as evidence. However, the inconsistent economic approaches observed during this period suggest that the planning was not as meticulous as claimed. The Pahlavi political system fluctuated between supporting and opposing the private sector, largely due to fears of the creative destruction it could cause. According to Juan Linz, sultanistic regimes—such as the second Pahlavi era—are characterized by distorted capitalism, which makes genuine private sector-driven growth unlikely. This raises important questions about the sources of economic growth from the early 1960s to the early 1970s and the underlying processes that facilitated it. To understand these dynamics, it is crucial to analyze the nature of the state—not just the regime—during different periods of the Pahlavi era. Although the regime was sultanistic, its interactions with various governments and economic actors shifted depending on the needs and circumstances of the time. This article aims to uncover the factors that contributed to Iran's economic development in the 1960s and explain why this growth eventually stalled. By examining the state's role and its relationship with the private sector, the authors seek to provide a deeper understanding of the forces driving growth, as well as the reasons behind its stagnation. This analysis highlights the complex interplay between political and economic structures during this transformative era. Methodology The study employs a descriptive-analytical approach rooted in historical institutionalism, utilizing Peter Evans' theoretical framework to examine the state's role in Iran's economic development during the second Pahlavi era. It combines qualitative methods with documentary review, analyzing historical data, government documents, economic reports, and primary and secondary sources. Evans' four state roles—trustee, curator, midwife, and nurturer—are applied to analyze government policies and actions from the 1950s to the 1970s. Key developments, such as the establishment of the Ministry of Economy, Alinaghi Alikhani’s influence, private sector growth in the 1960s, and the shift toward state stewardship in the 1970s, are critically examined. The research employs comparative methods to assess economic growth rates and content analysis to evaluate policy impacts on the private sector and industrial feudalism, providing a comprehensive assessment of the state's economic performance. Findings Establishment of the Planning and Budget Organization in Iran The Planning and Budget Organization (PBO) originated from the Economic Council in 1937, tasked with coordinating government agencies and managing economic programs. In 1946, a 50-member committee drafted a seven-year development plan, leading to the creation of the Plan Organization in 1948, modeled after U.S. strategies to address market inefficiencies, poverty, and resource allocation. However, the 1951 oil nationalization disrupted funding, halting the plan’s progress. Under Abolhasan Ebtehaj’s leadership, the organization temporarily gained independence, focusing on national development. Yet, political pressures later placed it under the Prime Minister’s office in 1959, reducing its autonomy and enabling rent-seeking behaviors, which undermined its effectiveness. The Second and Third Development Plans and the Challenges of the Planning and Budget Organization The Second Development Plan (1955–1962), led by Ebtehaj, was ambitious but faced implementation problems due to disjointed efforts among ministries and the PBO, resulting in economic stagnation and a trade deficit. Policies such as austerity measures, import tariffs, and IMF-backed reforms failed to stabilize the economy, deepening recession. Land reforms and industrial state ownership disrupted traditional social structures, causing unemployment and rural migration. Political unrest, exemplified by the 1963 protests, further complicated economic management. Despite these challenges, the Third Development Plan was approved, focusing on employment, investment, and industrial growth. Deprivation of Independence and Establishment of the Ministry of Economy Initially, the Shah opposed granting independence to the PBO, placing it under the Prime Minister’s office. Recognizing the need for stronger economic institutions, he supported creating the Ministry of Economy in 1962, inspired by Japanese and German models to centralize economic decision-making. Dr. Alinaghi Alikhani, appointed as minister, led a technocratic team to reform policies. The ministry’s establishment strengthened the Shah’s authority amid land reforms and signaled a shift toward state-led industrialization. However, its centralized approach limited private sector autonomy and created tensions with traditional elites. Power Groups, the Shah, and the Midwifery Approach of the Ministry of Economy With the Shah’s backing, the Ministry adopted a midwifery approach to industrial policy, promoting import substitution industrialization. This strategy achieved early successes, leading some to describe the 1960s as Iran’s "mini industrial revolution." Yet, traditional elites and religious groups opposed these reforms, fearing their loss of influence. Resistance from courtiers and the military accused the ministry of corruption. Nonetheless, it helped cultivate a modern industrial class, similar to East Asia’s economic elites, which gained wealth and influence—causing tensions with traditional power structures. While the Shah supported the ministry, he limited private sector involvement in heavy industries to maintain control. The Shah’s Support and External Pressures As criticism and protests against the Ministry grew, the Shah’s support waned. He faced a dilemma: industrialization required backing for the ministry, but internal support was divided, and foreign influence played a role. Western allies, especially the U.S., preferred Iran to be a consumer over an industrial power and aimed to align Iran with Eastern European industrial projects like steel and machinery plants. After Kennedy’s assassination, Western engagement with Iran intensified. Internal power struggles—particularly between Alikhani and Prime Minister Hoveida—and pressure from the Shah’s circle led to Alikhani’s resignation. This marked a turning point, shifting Iran’s economic landscape toward a more centralized, state-dominated system and ending the ministry’s transformative role. Analysis The Government’s Problem-Solving for the Ministry of Economy Although the Shah supported the Ministry of Economy’s initiatives, internal political conflicts complicated its functioning. Some cabinet members favored an approach centered on state-led industrialization, limiting private sector involvement, while the Shah was wary of private sector dominance. Minister Alinaghi Alikhani championed private sector participation and opposed strict anti-hoarding laws that discouraged investment. Conversely, Prime Minister Hoveida criticized the private sector for profiteering and formed a coalition against it, pushing Alikhani into a defensive stance. As Alikhani gained popularity and influence -as a potential future prime minister- both Hoveida and the Shah perceived him as a threat, especially since his rising stature challenged their control over Iran’s economic narrative. The Growth of the Private Sector and the Shah’s Fears of Being "Taken Over" The Shah aimed to maintain his image as the ultimate authority in Iran’s decision-making processes, resisting the Ministry of Economy’s push for independence. Despite opposition from Hoveida, the ministry’s policies led to substantial economic growth during the 1960s—around 400 factories being established annually—significantly boosting Iran’s industrial capacity. However, as this growth reduced political risks, the Shah grew uneasy about the private sector’s expanding influence and the potential for it to challenge his authority. He increasingly opposed industrial capitalism, favoring a move toward state-led socialism. Rising oil revenues further enabled increased state intervention in the economy. Ultimately, Alikhani’s popularity and perceived defiance of the Shah’s authority culminated in his dismissal, marking a shift toward consolidating authoritarian control over both Iran’s economy and its political landscape. Conclusion In the late 1950s, amid economic and political crises, Mohammad Reza Shah initiated a series of economic reforms, establishing the Ministry of Economy under Alinaghi Alikhani. Alikhani championed the development of the private sector, which led to unprecedented economic growth throughout the 1960s. However, the Shah restricted private investment in strategic industries such as steel and oil to maintain control over key sectors. As the Ministry gained prominence, Alikhani’s charisma and popularity began to threaten the Shah’s authority, raising concerns about the emergence of a new industrial elite and the rise of "industrial feudalism." With increasing oil revenues, the Shah eventually shifted toward promoting state-led industrialization, reducing private sector influence, and centralizing economic decision-making. This shift marked a decline in private sector participation and a move toward a more state-dominated economic policy framework. نقش دولت در توسعۀ اقتصادی و صنعتی‌سازی ایران، به‌ویژه در دورۀ پهلوی دوم، موضوعی مهم و مورد اختلاف‌نظر است. این مقاله با استفاده از چارچوب نظری پیتر اوانز از مکتب نهادگرایی، چهار نقش دولت در فرایند توسعه را بررسی می‌کند: متولی، متصدی، قابلگی و پرورشگری. در اواخر دهۀ ۱۳۳۰، با تأسیس وزارت اقتصاد و حضور علینقی عالیخانی، دولت نقش قابلگی و پرورشگری را در حمایت از بخش خصوصی ایفا کرد. در دهۀ ۱۳۴۰، اقتصاد رشد چشمگیری داشت و بخش خصوصی تقویت شد. با این حال، افزایش درآمدهای نفتی در دهۀ ۱۳۵۰ سبب شد دولت از حمایت بخش خصوصی دست بردارد و خود به تصدی‌گری در صنعت بپردازد. این تغییر رویکرد، نگرانی‌هایی دربارۀ شکل‌گیری فئودالیسم صنعتی و کاهش نقش بخش خصوصی ایجاد کرد. در نتیجه، سیاست‌های دولت در این دوره به ایجاد تنش‌هایی میان بخش دولتی و خصوصی منجر شد و تأثیرات بلندمدتی بر ساختار اقتصادی ایران گذاشت. روش پژوهش تحلیلی-توصیفی با استفاده از چارچوب نظری نهادگرایی و دیدگاه‌های پیتر اوانز استفاده شده است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103736_2d83f5d07dcfa58db44bbff29a25e454.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 09 23 Power, Institution and Idea; the Prospect of China’s Hegemonic Status-seeking in the Emerging Global Order قدرت، نهاد و ایده؛ چشم‌انداز منزلت‌جویی هژمونیک چین در نظم نوظهور جهانی 703 675 103737 10.22059/jpq.2025.391622.1008315 FA روح الامین سعیدی استادیار گروه روابط بین الملل و مطالعات منطقه ای دانشکدۀ علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه امام صادق (ع)، تهران، ایران. 0000-0002-4244-3614 Journal Article 2025 03 06 Introduction As China’s economic and political power continues to grow, many scholars have debated whether China will catch up to the United States, leading to a new bipolar international system, or surpass the U.S. to become the new hegemon in a unipolar world. With China's gradual rise on the global stage, questions abound regarding its future role in the international system. Currently, the United States remains the sole superpower, but it faces increasing competition from China. The central question is whether China can seriously challenge the U.S. as the dominant global power. In other words, if China maintains its current trajectory and policies, will it eventually attain hegemonic status? From a Gramscian perspective, the research hypothesis suggests that China’s recent advancements are primarily driven by its material capabilities—military and economic—while it still lacks the necessary institutional and ideational capacities to become a true global or regional hegemon. Ultimately, it appears that, in the foreseeable future, the prospect of China achieving hegemonic status remains uncertain, and it is more likely to continue as a great power on the international stage. Introduction After nearly a century of viewing itself as a victim of the great powers and decades of internal revolution that kept it isolated from the world, China is transforming into a confident and rising great power. The country’s growing economic and political influence is evident through its active engagement in both bilateral and multilateral diplomacy. China now operates within the framework of the contemporary international system and has become socialized into prevailing international norms. The economic revolution—marked by embracing free markets, opening up to foreign investment, and fostering enterprise—has driven nearly four decades of extraordinary growth, averaging over 9 percent annually. As the world’s second-largest economy, China maintains that its goal is to pursue a “peaceful rise,” which many see as a viable economic model for other developing nations. This raises an important question: how are China’s policies and actions influencing the configuration of the international system, particularly in terms of the distribution of global power? The research method This paper is a theory-driven study that employs Gramscianism to develop a conceptual framework for assessing China's potential to achieve hegemonic status. The framework is based on three key indicators: power, institutions, and ideas. The data collection process relies on documentary and library sources. Results and Discussion Some analysts suggest that the world may eventually come under China’s leadership. They point to China’s growing economic ties with the Global South, its potential to expand into Western markets, and the possibility of establishing a new world order controlled by Beijing. China’s ongoing military expansion, together with its rising economic influence, signals broader global ambitions. However, others contend that China will remain a “partial power,” as, despite its extensive international presence, it lacks the capacity to significantly influence global events. Additionally, some argue that, despite considerable uncertainty about China’s future rise, the United States will likely maintain military superiority for decades to come. Consequently, the U.S. can choose to accommodate China’s rise rather than confront it, thereby avoiding the risks of turning China into a direct challenger. Conclusions This paper concludes that China’s recent rise has primarily been driven by its material military and economic capabilities. However, the country still lacks the sufficient institutional and ideational capacities necessary to attain the status of a global or even regional hegemon. Ultimately, it appears unlikely that China will pursue hegemonic ambitions in the foreseeable future; instead, it is likely to remain a major power on the global stage. What is certain, from a Gramscian perspective, is that China cannot be considered a true global hegemon in the near future, given the necessary combination of material, institutional, and ideological dominance inherent to the concept of hegemony. به اذعان دانشمندان روابط بین‌الملل از میان قدرت‌های موجود جهان تنها رقیب چالشگر آمریکا که ظرفیت احتمالیِ نیل به منزلت هژمونی در دهه‌های آینده را دارد، چین است. با این حال صعود چین به جایگاه یک هژمون جهانی هنوز ابهامات بسیاری دارد که رفع آن مستلزم فهمی عمیق از چیستی تحولات جهانی و تعریف دقیق مفهوم هژمونی است. پژوهش حاضر در چارچوب رهیافت گرامشین این پرسش اصلی را مطرح می‌سازد که چشم‌انداز رسیدن چین به جایگاه هژمونی در بستر نظام متحول جهانی چیست؟ در پاسخ، فرضیۀ مقاله از این قرار است که رشد دهه‌های اخیر چین بیشتر محصول افزایش توانمندی‌های مادی اقتصادی و نظامی آن بوده و این کشور همچنان از قابلیت‌های نهادی و ایده‌ایِ کافی برخوردار نیست. در نتیجه، یافتۀ نهایی مقاله این است که چین در یک آیندۀ قابل پیش‌بینی همچنان فاقد ظرفیت لازم برای احراز منزلت هژمونی جهانی و حتی منطقه‌ای خواهد بود و از این‌رو در سطح یک قدرت بزرگ باقی خواهد ماند. مقاله از نوع کاربردی است و رویکردی توصیفی – تحلیلی دارد. برای گردآوری داده‌ها از تکنیک کتابخانه‌ای استفاده شده و نیز تحلیل داده‌ها در چارچوب روش نظریه‌مبنا صورت گرفته است که بر اساس آن نگارنده قصد دارد شاخص‌های سه‌گانۀ موجود در نظریۀ گرامشینیسم را یکایک با وضعیت چین مطابقت دهد و میزان احراز آنها را در مورد این کنشگر به آزمون بگذارد.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103737_07610215814ce69cf380652491987d62.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 09 23 Narrative Study of Economic Protests: Convergent and Divergent Social Forces in the Context of Political Activism روایت پژوهی اعتراض‌های معیشت‌پایه؛ همگرایی و واگرایی نیروهای اجتماعی در بستر کنشگری سیاسی 732 705 103738 10.22059/jpq.2025.388963.1008286 FA اسماعیل عالی زاد دانشیار گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. کوثر درزی نژاد دانشجوی دکتری گروه جامعه‌شناسی سیاسی‌، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 02 07 Introduction This research focuses on the narratives of teachers and workers involved in economic-based protests, aiming to provide insights beyond media reports; utilizing narrative research methodology, it engaged with 14 teachers and 13 workers from the Haft Tappeh Agro-Industrial Company and South Pars Gas and Oil Industry, employing Mikhail Bakhtin’s and Hannah Arendt’s concepts to frame the analysis. The research findings indicate that while initial demands were economically motivated, deeper motivations were also present, suggesting activism extends beyond mere labor issues to encompass meaningful action, illustrating a complex interplay of unity and diversity within activism. The narrative accounts of these participants have become a focal point of public discourse, and this study endeavors to transcend superficial media portrayals by directly engaging with individuals to gather their personal stories, aiming to provide a nuanced understanding of their motivations and experiences beyond singular labor concerns. Methodology This study employs a narrative research methodology to analyze personal accounts, collecting and interpreting stories to gain insights that go beyond conventional media reporting. The participants included 14 teachers and 13 workers from the Haft Tappeh Agro-Industrial Company and the South Pars Gas and Oil Industry. Results and Discussion Analysis of the gathered narratives reveals that although their demands initially centered around economic grievances, their motivations significantly extend to aspirations for social agency and meaningful engagement, highlighting the dynamic of unity and diversity as they weave personal experiences into a collective narrative that respects individual differences. These insights challenge reductive interpretations of labor protests, advocating for a more nuanced understanding that encompasses diverse motivations and identities within activism. The narratives articulate not only economic challenges but also a broader search for agency, dignity, and recognition within society, with Bakhtin’s concepts of centripetal and centrifugal forces illustrating how individuals come together in solidarity while maintaining their distinct identities and motivations—fostering a diverse activist landscape that respects plurality. Drawing on Bakhtin and Arendt, the study suggests that meaningful collective action must embrace various voices and experiences, calling for acknowledgement of the social fabric that informs activism and advocating for a perspective that balances individual agency with collective change. Conclusion In summary, this research emphasizes that participation in protests transcends immediate economic demands, reflecting deeper themes of dignity and recognition; it challenges simplified views and underscores activism as a multifaceted expression of human aspiration rooted in diverse motivations. This work highlights the importance of personal narratives in illuminating broader social implications and advocates for a nuanced understanding of social movements. By prioritizing voices of teachers and workers over media interpretations, the study offers a fresh perspective, revealing complex layers that drive activism and enriching discourse with insights from Bakhtin and Arendt. Ultimately, the research calls for further exploration into activists’ motivations and a reevaluation of how protests are understood and represented in society, emphasizing that activism is shaped by both unity and individual diversity in pursuit of systemic change. روایت معلمان و کارگران از اعتراض‌های معیشت‌پایه در سال‌های اخیر، مسائلی پربازدید در اخبار بوده است؛ هدف این پژوهش تحلیل همنشینی صداهای متکثر در اعتراض‌های معیشت‌پایه، جهت ترسیم الگوهای همگرایی و واگرایی در میان راویان است. به این منظور از اخبار موجود گذر کرده و به راویان برای گردآوری داستان‌ها رجوع کردیم. برای درک روایت‌های کنشگران، مفاهیم نیروهای همگرا و واگرای میخائیل باختین و سه‌گانۀ زندگی وقف عمل/ وقف نظر هانا آرنت مدنظر قرار گرفت. روش این پژوهش از نوع روایت‎پژوهی و مبتنی بر روایت‎های 14 نفر از معلمان و 13 نفر از کارگران شرکت کشت و صنعت هفت‎تپه و صنعت نفت و گاز پارس جنوبی بوده است. نتایج این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که مطالبه‌گری معلمان و کارگران از یک نظرگاه معیشتی آغاز شده، اما محرک‎های متعددی در پس و پیش از آن نهفته است؛ به‌گونه‌ای که کنشگری راویان محدود به سطح «زحمت» نبوده و تلاشی در جهت «عمل» است. علاوه ‌بر این، میدان کنشگری عرصه‌ای از وحدت در عین کثرت است و شکل‌گیری «ما»ی جمعی در کنار حفظ تکثرات میسر می‌شود. به این ترتیب در این مطالبه‌گری صنفی شاهد حفظ تفاوت‌ها و اولویت‌بندی آنها جهت دستیابی به همگرایی‌ها هستیم.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103738_e54ecca1769eb704a41424ebccebb3c2.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 09 23 The Quasi-Shiite Mu'tazilites in the Age of Mihnah and Islamic Inquisition معتزلیانِ مُتِشَیّع در عصر محنت و تفتیش عقاید اسلامی 754 733 103739 10.22059/jpq.2025.385959.1008256 FA مهدی فدایی مهربانی دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2024 11 25 Introduction The Muʿtazilite movement, renowned for its rationalist theology, was not completely subsumed by the oppressive framework of the Mihna (the Abbasid inquisition). Evidence from history indicates that some Muʿtazilites preserved their intellectual independence, engaging in rational discourse not solely for political gain but as a genuine philosophical pursuit. Among these were the Muʿtazilat al-Mutashayyiʿa (Muʿtazilites with Shiʿi leanings), who distanced themselves from the extremism of their contemporaries and adopted a more balanced theological stance. The most prominent figure in this group was Fakhr al-Dīn Abū Ḥāmid ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd. He was a distinguished scholar, poet, historian, Ashʿarī jurist, and Muʿtazilī theologian, best known for his commentary on Nahj al-Balāgha. His monumental work was shaped by his close intellectual ties with the Shiʿi vizier Muʾayyad al-Dīn Ibn al-ʿAlqamī, a key figure in the court of the last Abbasid caliph, al-Mustaʿṣim, shortly before the Mongol invasion of Baghdad in 656 AH. Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd’s interpretation of Islam was distinctive, transcending sectarian power struggles. Although a Shāfiʿī in jurisprudence and a Muʿtazilī in theology, his views positioned him between Sunni and Shiʿi thought. This placed him as a precursor to the Sunnī-Mutashayyiʿa—Sunni scholars with Shiʿi inclinations—who later played a role in Iran’s transition to Shiʿism during the pre-Safavid period. He emphasized the superiority of ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib over other caliphs—a stance shared by earlier Muʿtazilī scholars such as Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār, Abū Hāshim al-Jubbāʾī, and his father, Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbāʾī. Another influential figure was Ṣāḥib ibn ʿAbbād (326–385 AH), a Shiʿi vizier of the Buyid court who openly supported Muʿtazilism, citing earlier Muʿtazilī scholars as his intellectual antecedents. Likewise, the Nawbakhtī family maintaining doctrinal independence exhibited theological affinities with the Muʿtazila. Under Abbasid rule, Shiʿism’s minority status fostered rationalist approaches to theology, leading to considerable intellectual convergence with Muʿtazilism—particularly in rejecting extremism and advocating intermediate positions, such as the doctrinal stance on sinners. This overlap often prompted accusations that Shiʿi theology borrowed heavily from Muʿtazilī thought. In response, scholars like al-Shaykh al-Mufīd sought to delineate clear doctrinal differences. Prominent figures such as Ibn al-Rāwandī, Ibn Qibba al-Rāzī, and Ibn Fūsanjas transitioned from Muʿtazilism to Shiʿism, further bridging the two traditions. The rationalist environment of Rayy, under Buyid dominance, became a notable hub of Muʿtazilī-Shiʿi synthesis, influenced by scholars like Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār and Ṣāḥib ibn ʿAbbād. By subsequent centuries, Muʿtazilism increasingly merged with Shiʿism, especially Zaydī Shiʿism, exemplified by scholars such as Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyā al-Murtaḍā (d. 840 AH), author of Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila. While some Muʿtazilites, like Ibn al-Rāwandī, drifted into skepticism, most were absorbed into Shiʿi thought. The Muʿtazilat al-Mutashayyiʿa embodied a spirit of intellectual moderation, grounded in the doctrine of al-manzila bayn al-manzilatayn (the intermediate position). Their legacy lies in fostering a rationalist, politically balanced Shiʿism—distinct from both Umayyad determinism and the extremism of the Abbasid Mihna. Under the Buyids, their influence helped promote policies of tolerance and served as a bridge across theological and political divides. Ultimately, Muʿtazilī rationalism enriched Shiʿi thought, culminating in a synthesis that persisted beyond the Mongol conquests. معروف آن است که معتزلیان را عقلای عالم اسلام می‌خوانند؛ ایشان مؤسس عقل‌گرایی اسلامی در قالب یک مکتب کلامی منسجم بودند و این مسئله سبب نوعی پویایی در فعالیت‌های نظری عالم اسلام شد. با وجود این، عقل‌گرایی معتزله صرفاً دارای وجوه مثبت نبود؛ از برهه‌ای از تاریخ معتزله، این عقل‌گرایان عالم اسلام، خود مؤسس بدترین دوران تفتیش عقاید نیز بودند. اگرچه ایشان دعوای عقل و خرد داشتند، بی‌شک خطری که برخی از ایشان برای مخالفان اعتقادی خود داشتند، در هیچ مکتب فکری دیگری یافت نشد. در چنین فضایی، جامعۀ اسلامی با دو گروه معتزله مواجه بود؛ نخست آنان که به دستگاه تفتیش عقاید در خلافت عباسی پیوستند و عهده‌دار سازمانی برای تفتیش عقاید به نام «محنت» شدند، و دوم آنان که تن به استبداد نظری برساخته توسط عباسیان ندادند و نوعی عقل‌گرایی نظری فارغ از غلبۀ سیاسی را در مدارس و مکاتب خود پیگیری کردند. ادعای این مقاله آن است که گروه دوم که یا قرابت‌هایی با تشیع داشتند و یا دارای گرایش‌های شیعی بودند و می‌توان آنان را «معتزلیانِ مُتِشَیّع» نامید، رفته‌رفته در تشیع ادغام شدند و به گسترش عقل‌گرایی شیعی در عرصۀ نظری و سیاسی کمک شایانی کردند. ادغام معتزلیانِ مُتِشَیّع و شیعیان در همدیگر، سیاست‌اندیشی شیعیان امامی بعدی را عقل‌گرایانه‌تر، اهل مداراتر و مخالف جبرگرایی و ظلم کرد.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103739_546c367cb339898f0fef1635c6050a47.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 09 23 The impact of the Gaza crisis on the human security of Palestinian women(2023-2024) تأثیر بحران غزه بر امنیت انسانی زنان فلسطین (2024-2023) 782 755 103740 10.22059/jpq.2025.385264.1008246 FA الهه کولایی استاد گروه مطالعات منطقه‌ای، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. فاطمه دمیرچی دانشجوی دکتری، مطالعات منطقه‌ای خاورمیانه، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. کوثر محمدی هنجروئی دانشجوی دکتری، گروه رفاه اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 02 07 Introduction In 2023, the Gaza conflict emerged as one of the most significant recent crises in the Middle East, profoundly and uniquely affecting the lives of Palestinian women. In this conflict, women have played vital roles as catalysts within the humanitarian response and the rebuilding of society, assuming critical and multifaceted responsibilities. Protecting the human security of women in Gaza is essential not only for safeguarding their lives and health but also for the broader goal of sustaining and reconstructing their communities. Women have actively participated in social and human rights organizations, serving as human rights defenders and social activists. They have strived to draw global attention to the crisis and to promote the rights of women and children, thereby influencing international policies and actions. Their diverse roles highlight the importance of targeted support and attention to their specific needs in crisis planning and response efforts. A nuanced understanding of how war affects women and the development of appropriate strategies to address these impacts are vital for enhancing human security and fostering resilient, sustainable communities. Addressing these issues can improve current conditions for women, prevent similar future crises, and promote human rights in war-torn areas. The central question guiding this research is: How has the Gaza crisis impacted the human security of Palestinian women during 2023 and 2024? Based on this, the hypothesis posits that the Gaza crisis during this period has significantly affected women’s human security by intensifying shifts in social and family roles, increasing gender-based violence and domestic abuse, weakening economic stability, disrupting healthcare systems, and reducing access to legal and psychological support. These factors have exposed women to direct threats from ongoing armed violence, limited their access to essential resources, and increased pressures from forced displacement, thereby severely threatening their human security. To explore this topic, this study will employ the scientific method, drawing on concepts of intractable conflicts and feminist security theory to analyze and explain the impact of the Gaza crisis on Palestinian women’s human security. Research Methodology The most suitable approach for examining the impact of the Gaza crisis on the human security of Palestinian women is a combined descriptive-explanatory method, integrating both quantitative and qualitative data. This approach entails using quantitative analyses to assess statistical trends—such as increases in gender-based violence, economic decline, and limited access to support resources. Concurrently, qualitative data are employed to gain a deeper understanding of women’s lived experiences, including shifts in social and family roles, as well as the psychological and social effects of the crisis. By combining these methods, the descriptive-explanatory approach not only ensures accurate and objective presentation of numerical information but also offers nuanced insights into the complex realities faced by women. It enables researchers to interpret and contextualize the data, ultimately providing a comprehensive, multi-dimensional understanding of how the Gaza crisis impacts women’s human security. Research Findings Between 2023 and 2024, the Gaza conflict has profoundly impacted various aspects of Palestinian women’s human security, which can be effectively analyzed through the frameworks of intractable conflict and feminist security theory. The Israel-Palestine conflict is one of the longest-running intractable conflicts in history, continually subjecting the Palestinian population to violence and posing severe threats to women’s security. Feminist security theory offers an additional valuable perspective by emphasizing comprehensive security at both individual and social levels. Unlike traditional security paradigms that primarily focus on military threats, feminist security expands the scope to encompass physical, psychological, social, and economic dimensions (Burton, 1990: 22). Within the context of the Gaza crisis, Palestinian women encounter multidimensional security challenges rooted in military violence and a scarcity of basic needs within a besieged, war-torn society. From a feminist security standpoint, these challenges are multilayered: First, women face immediate physical threats such as bombings, home demolitions, and the loss of family members, which significantly endanger their physical safety (UN Women, 2023: 15). Second, they endure heightened psychological insecurity manifested through increased stress, trauma, and mental health struggles. These psychological impacts are particularly acute in an environment characterized by unresolved conflict, persistent instability, and a pervasive sense of uncertainty about the future (Cockburn, 2013: 102). A recurring theme in feminist literature is the "feminization of poverty," a phenomenon whereby women disproportionately bear the burdens of economic hardship during conflicts. In Gaza, the absence of sustainable solutions to ongoing violence has led to repeated destruction of economic infrastructure, disproportionately impacting women, who often work in fragile and informal sectors. During 2023 and 2024, economic blockades and airstrikes resulted in the collapse of many small businesses—such as those involved in handicrafts and domestic services—that traditionally rely on female labor. These industries are particularly vulnerable amid wartime conditions (Bar-Tal, 2013: 165). As a consequence, many women have been pushed into informal markets characterized by unstable working conditions, lacking legal or social protections, and exposing them to exploitation. Rising unemployment, declining household incomes, and soaring inflation for basic necessities have further intensified the economic crisis facing Palestinian women, deepening poverty and economic inequality. Within an already gendered labor market, women are often forced to rely on informal, low-paid jobs that offer little job or economic security, thereby perpetuating systemic inequalities (Wibben & Annick, 2010: 125). Intractable conflicts not only cause direct damage to economic and social infrastructure but also reinforce patriarchal systems and gender disparities, ultimately undermining women’s economic security. Both in the short term—through immediate economic hardships—and in the long term—by marginalizing women and entrenching cycles of poverty and instability—these conflicts threaten to weaken women’s ability to participate fully in their communities and economies. Conclusion The Gaza crisis, from 2023 to the present, exemplifies the profound ways in which "intractable conflicts" impact Palestinian women’s human security. These impacts can be effectively analyzed through the framework of "feminist security," which broadens the understanding of security beyond military threats to include social, economic, and psychological dimensions. Intractable conflicts—such as the ongoing Gaza crisis—persist due to complex historical, political, and social factors, creating conditions devoid of immediate resolution. Such conflicts trap communities in a cycle of continuous violence and insecurity, wherein human security is perpetually threatened. Among the most vulnerable are Palestinian women, who face heightened risks owing to weaker social support systems and structural inequalities. From a feminist security perspective, women’s security in these settings goes beyond protection from direct military attacks; it encompasses their social well-being, economic stability, and mental health—all of which are disrupted by ongoing violence. Since the outbreak of the Gaza war in 2023, Palestinian women have experienced not only direct physical violence—such as bombings and military operations—but also indirect consequences, including increased poverty, unemployment, and the collapse of essential infrastructure and social services, such as healthcare. This environment, fueled by the cycle of intractable conflict, imposes additional burdens on women, who must strive to uphold their families’ stability amid resource scarcity and social disintegration. Women’s vulnerabilities are compounded by rising gender-based violence, domestic abuse, and sexual harassment, all of which escalate in conflict zones. Moreover, traditional roles—such as caring for children and managing household affairs—become even more demanding, subjecting women to heightened psychological stress. Consequently, the insecurity faced by women in Gaza encompasses not only military threats but also ongoing social and psychological risks, aggravated by systemic inequalities. Since 2023, the intensification of war and conflict has significantly threatened Palestinian women’s security, rendering them not only direct victims of violence but also casualties of ineffective social structures. This situation vividly illustrates the interconnection between intractable conflicts and feminist security, emphasizing that a comprehensive understanding of women’s experiences requires addressing both military and non-military dimensions of crises. Ultimately, the plight of Palestinian women demonstrates that intractable conflicts affect multiple aspects of their lives, threatening their security across all levels. جنگ غزه در ۷ اکتبر ۲۰۲۳، به یکی از شدیدترین جنگ‌های منطقه‌ای تبدیل شده است. این جنگ تأثیرهای گسترده‌ای بر همۀ جوانب زندگی مردم فلسطین، به‌ویژه زنان، داشته است. در این شرایط، مفهوم «امنیت انسانی» بسیار اهمیت پیدا می‌کند. امنیت انسانی شامل حفاظت از جان، زندگی، دسترسی به خدمات اساسی و همچنین حق زندگی در محیطی بدون خشونت و تهدید، به‌ویژه در جنگ‌ها، به دغدغه‌ای اساسی تبدیل می‌شود. در این میان، زنان به‌عنوان یکی از آسیب‌پذیرترین گروه‌ها و نیز تأثیرگذار در هر جامعه، با چالش‌های جدی روبه‌رو می‌شوند. بررسی امنیت انسانی زنان فلسطینی در جنگ اخیر غزه، نه‌تنها به درک ابعاد مختلف چالش‌های آنان کمک می‌کند، بلکه امکان ارائۀ راهکارهای مناسب برای بهبود شرایط آنان و حمایت‌های مؤثر را فراهم می‌آورد. در این پژوهش با روش کیفی و بهره‌گیری از منابع کتابخانه‌ای و اینترنت به پرسش تأثیر جنگ غزه برامنیت انسانی زنان فلسطینی پاسخ داده میشود. این فرضیه مطرح شده که جنگ غزه از سال‌ ۲۰۲۳ با تغییر در نقش‌های اجتماعی و خانوادگی، افزایش خشونت‌های جنسیتی و خانگی، تضعیف وضعیت اقتصادی، ایجاد اختلال‌ها در سیستم‌های بهداشتی و نبود حمایت‌های قانونی و روانی، بر امنیت انسانی زنان فلسطینی تاثیر منفی گذاشته و امنیت انسانی آنان را تهدید کرده است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103740_be0c27fdbb13fa339fd901a9bc5aa34b.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 09 23 Formulation of Rhizomes Effective in Construction the Territorial Secession of Azerbaijan Democratic Party from Iran after World War II (1945-1946) صورت‌بندی ریزوم‌های مؤثر در برساخت واگرایی سرزمینی حزب دموکرات آذربایجان از ایران در پایان جنگ جهانی دوم (1945-1946) 806 783 103741 10.22059/jpq.2025.385116.1008240 FA احسان لشگری تفرشی دانشیار گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران. Journal Article 2024 11 11 Introduction In political geography, based on the views of Deleuze and Guattari, territory is seen as a field of political order that seeks to impose the dominant discourse of "identity" as a "standard order." Deterritorialization represents forces that oppose this imposed order, attempting to make their discourse hegemonic. In Iran after World War II, the "Marxist-Ethnic" counter-discourse of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party aimed to deterritorialize the centralist nationalist discourse of Pahlavi. Both discourses employed distinct theoretical frameworks to direct rhizomatic micro-movements toward territorial subjectivity; however, the Azerbaijan Democratic Party’s counter-discourse in 1945 and 1946 was more effective in channeling social movement energies and shaping the Azerbaijani people's social imagination for radical change. Various perspectives have emerged regarding how the party articulated its territorial expansion to undermine the central government's sovereignty. Within Deleuze and Guattari’s framework, the territorialization period of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party from 1945-1946 revealed a unique pattern of articulating political rhizomes, though debates persist about how exactly these components contributed to territorial deterritorialization. This research seeks to examine the subject positions within these social rhizomes, specifically focusing on how these interactions deconstructed the centralized nationalist territoriality and transformed it into a 'Marxist-ethnic' discourse during 1945-1946 in Azerbaijan. Methodology This study explores how the social rhizomes of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party were articulated to construct a counter-discourse advocating territorial secession. The concept of rhizome, within Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s theory of assemblages, is defined as a non-hierarchical, interconnected network. By integrating this theoretical framework with the symbolic elements of the party’s counter-discourse, the paper investigates how national and territorial concepts were adapted to serve the metaphor of Azerbaijan’s secession from Iran. Results and Discussion A) Equivalence of ethnicity and Marxist ideology in territorialization: The integration of Pan-Turkism and Communism in Azerbaijan’s territorialization required legitimizing the equivalence of ethnic identity and Marxist classlessness, which became central in the Democratic Party’s discourse. Supporting autonomy and divergent movements were supported as the basis for Azerbaijani proletarian rights and self-determination within a broader Marxist framework. B) Azeri ethnicity’s alienation from Iranian nationalism: The party’s ideology constructed a counter-narrative to Iranian nationalism by mythologizing Azerbaijan’s unique history and positioning it as separate from Iran. They argued that Azerbaijan’s ancestors, like the Medes, had no historical ties to Iran, thus emphasizing a distinct national identity separate from ancient Iran, supported by both party ideologues and Soviet historians. C) Regional federalism against centralized governance: This component promoted territorial autonomy, mobilizing regional identity and advocating for a federalist system as a way to achieve justice and balanced development, viewing the end of centralized monarchy as a necessary step toward regional autonomy and fairness. D) Geopolitical convergence with the Soviet Union: The party viewed the Soviet Union as a supporter of oppressed lower classes resisting capitalist imperialism. Collaboration with the Soviet Union, including securing oil concessions, was seen as a strategic move to counterbalance British influence and secure Azerbaijani independence and resources. Conclusion The Azerbaijan Democratic Party constructed a narrative where secession was a response to the central Iranian government’s neglect of Azerbaijani socio-economic issues. Its territorial divergence drew on Pan-Turkism within a communist ideology, opposing Iran’s nationalist historiography. Despite proximity to the Soviet Union facilitating this divergence, the party viewed the USSR as a liberator of nations from colonial-capitalist domination, emphasizing a strategic geopolitical alliance to realize their territorial and ideological aims. مبتنی بر رهیافت‌ «دلوز» و «گتاری» قلمروزایی گفتمان‌های حاشیه‌ای؛ الگوی خلاقانه از مفصل‌بندی ریزوم‌های اجتماعی است که جهت قلمروزدایی از گفتمان‌های حاکم صورت می‌گیرد. در این زمینه در مقطع زمانی سال‌های 1945 و 1946 حزب دموکرات آذربایجان به رهبری فردی به نام «پیشه‌وری» با اتکا به مجموعه‌ای از مؤلفه‌های ریزوماتیک، انتزاع سرزمینی منطقۀ آذربایجان را مبتنی بر قرائت اپستمیک خود رقم زد. در این پژوهش کوشش شده چگونگی مفصل‌بندی ریزوم‌های اجتماعی این حزب در برساخت گفتمان تلفیقی از پان‌ترکیسم و مارکسیسم و چگونگی قلمروزایی آن در جهت برساخت واگرایی سرزمینی بررسی شود. یافته‌های پژوهش بیانگر آن است که این حزب با اتکا به اندیشۀ سیاسی التقاطی قوم‌گرایی کمونیستی؛ الحاق قلمرو آذربایجان ایران به کشور شوروی را زمینه‌ساز دستیابی طبقۀ پرولتاریا در آذربایجان به حقوق خود تفسیر کرد. از سوی دیگر شارحان این حزب کوشیدند سیر تکوین تاریخ آذربایجان را متفاوت از تاریخ ایران قلمداد کرده و با ناسیونالیسم برساخت‌یافته توسط حکومت پهلوی غیریت‌سازی کنند. همچنین این حزب ضمن همذات‌پنداری ژئوپلیتیک با شوروی، آن را به‌مثابۀ کشوری بازنمایی می‌کرد که درصدد است ثروت ملل محروم را از تسلط استعمارگران غربی خارج سازد.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103741_5b6e82c78a31b79aa9ebf97ad84ef48c.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 09 23 Governance and Economic Policymaking in the Artificial Intelligence Era حکمرانی و سیاستگذاری اقتصادی در عصر هوش مصنوعی 841 807 103742 10.22059/jpq.2025.392186.1008322 FA عباس مصلی نژاد استاد گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 03 10 Introduction The rapid evolution of artificial intelligence (AI) and digital technologies has fundamentally transformed governance structures, economic systems, and mechanisms of social control. As traditional state-centric models give way to networked governance, power becomes increasingly distributed among states, multinational corporations, transnational organizations, and digital platforms. This transformation reflects key theoretical perspectives from International Political Economy (IPE), Network Governance, Foucauldian Discourse Analysis, World-Systems Theory, and AI Governance. AI now serves as a critical driver in reshaping economic and geopolitical landscapes. Policymakers, financial institutions, and technology firms increasingly rely on AI-driven data analytics for decision-making, economic forecasting, and policy implementation. These developments extend beyond purely economic considerations, significantly impacting political legitimacy, digital surveillance practices, security paradigms, and the shaping of public discourse. This study examines the defining characteristics of governance and economic policymaking in the AI era, guided by the hypothesis that contemporary governance models depend on four key factors: process transparency, multilateral cooperation, expanding consumerism, and the production of legitimizing narratives. The research employs a network society and digital economy framework to analyze the complex interactions between AI systems, governance structures, and global economic dynamics. Methodology This study adopts a descriptive-analytical methodology that combines qualitative content analysis with secondary data examination, drawing on peer-reviewed academic literature, policy reports, economic analyses, and institutional publications from organizations including the World Bank, IMF, and OECD to systematically evaluate AI's role in transforming economic governance and policymaking through critical discourse evaluation and pattern analysis of emerging AI-driven approaches across different political and economic systems. Results and Discussion The findings reveal a fundamental decline of the Westphalian state model, replaced by networked governance structures where AI facilitates power decentralization, corroborating Castells' (2009) network society theory. This shift redistributes governance authority among corporations, AI platforms, and supranational entities, diminishing traditional state monopolies. AI transforms decision-making through predictive analytics and automated policymaking, reducing bureaucratic intervention and enabling decentralized, algorithmic public administration. Crucially, the research identifies the rise of cognitive control via AI surveillance, reflecting Foucault's (1977) power-knowledge paradigm where influence operates through discourse control rather than coercion – exemplified by digital corporations (Google, Meta, Amazon) using predictive AI to shape behavior and public sentiment. Shoshana Zuboff’s (2019) theory of surveillance capitalism supports this argument, emphasizing how AI-driven platforms commodify user data to influence individual and collective decision-making. This raises concerns about algorithmic bias, privacy violations, and the monopolization of digital public spheres. AI intensifies global economic stratification, reinforcing the core-periphery divide within Wallerstein’s World-Systems Theory (2004). The study reveals that countries in the core (e.g., the U.S., China, EU nations) dominate AI research, innovation, and data control, while semi-periphery and periphery nations remain dependent on these technological advancements, exacerbating digital colonialism. AI has fundamentally altered economic policymaking and financial governance, moving towards data-driven decision-making models. This paradigm shift aligns with Brynjolfsson & McAfee’s AI Governance Theory (2014), emphasizing the role of AI in augmenting policy decisions, enhancing economic efficiency, and restructuring global financial markets.The findings suggest that AI accelerates geopolitical rivalries and regional conflicts, particularly in the Middle East. AI-driven warfare, automated surveillance, and cyber operations have transformed security paradigms. Conclusion The research concludes that AI is not merely a technological innovation but a transformative force in governance and economic policymaking. AI’s ability to optimize administrative functions, influence public discourse, and reinforce economic hierarchies creates new governance challenges and opportunities. The study highlights: AI-driven governance models are replacing traditional bureaucratic systems. Surveillance capitalism enables cognitive control through AI-based data surveillance. AI exacerbates global economic inequalities, reinforcing digital colonialism. Algorithmic policymaking is reshaping economic governance structures. AI-driven geopolitical rivalries and digital sovereignty disputes are intensifying. The study raises a fundamental question: Will AI governance enhances democratic accountability and economic fairness, or will it deepen authoritarian control and digital monopolization? Future research should explore ethical AI governance frameworks and policy mechanisms to mitigate AI-driven inequalities and ensure its benefits are equitably distributed. در عصر هوش مصنوعی، سیاستگذاری اقتصادی و راهبردی مستلزم بهره‌گیری از سازوکارهای حکمرانی خوب است که بتواند بهینه‌سازی تعاملات میان کشورها و حوزه‌های علمی مختلف را تسهیل کند. در این فضا، استفاده از فناوری برای بهینه‌سازی سیاست‌های اقتصادی و اجتماعی به اولویت راهبردی تبدیل شده است. در جامعۀ شبکه‌ای و مبتنی بر اطلاعات، واحدهای سیاسی به نظام‌هایی درهم‌تنیده از قدرت ارتباطی، اقتصادی و راهبردی تبدیل شده‌اند. پرسش اصلی این پژوهش آن است که نشانه‌های اصلی حکمرانی و سیاستگذاری اقتصادی در عصر هوش مصنوعی چه ویژگی‌هایی دارند؟ فرضیۀ تحقیق بر این مبنا استوار است که حکمرانی و سیاستگذاری اقتصادی در این عصر بر شفاف‌سازی فرایندها، همکاری‌های چندجانبه، مصرف‌گرایی فزاینده و تولید روایت‌های مشروعیت‌بخش متکی است. در این پژوهش با استفاده از رویکرد جامعه و اقتصاد شبکه‌ای، به تحلیل تأثیر ادغام مرحله‌ای مناطق پیرامونی در هستۀ مرکزی اقتصاد جهانی پرداخته شده است. این پژوهش از روش تحلیلی-توصیفی بهره می‌برد و با استفاده از مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای و تحلیل ثانویۀ داده‌ها، نقش هوش مصنوعی در حکمرانی اقتصادی و سیاستگذاری جهانی را بررسی می‌کند. تحلیل یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که حکمرانی و سیاست‌گذاری در عصر هوش مصنوعی دچار تغییرات بنیادین شده و موجب دگرگونی در سازوکارهای موازنۀ قدرت، سیاست‌های اقتصادی، و رقابت‌های امنیتی شده است. هوش مصنوعی روندهای جدیدی از رقابت‌های ژئوپلیتیکی و بحران‌های منطقه‌ای را به‌وجود آورده است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103742_009206bfde39a50dce8027d662f53bc2.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 09 23 Social Crisis and the Politics of Pluralism; Pluralism as a Crisis in Iranian Mentality (Mohammad Shahi Period) بحران اجتماعی و سیاست تکثر؛ کثرت گرایی به منزله بحران در ذهنیت ایرانی (دوره محمد شاهی) 867 843 103743 10.22059/jpq.2025.390641.1008301 FA رضا نجف زاده استادیار، علوم سیاسی، دانشکده اقتصاد و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران. احمدرضا علی پور اسیری دانشجوی دکتری، علوم سیاسی، دانشکده اقتصاد و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 03 07 Introduction The study and analysis of the Mohammad Shahi period and its dominant pluralism—an area that has been addressed in only a few works due to the influence of the authoritarian nature of Qajar rule and the historiography of official historians—are significant for understanding the break from traditional governance models and Shiite jurisprudence. However, the governance model of this period, which marked a turning point in Iranians' confrontation with modernity and was shaped by the identity crisis resulting from the Iran-Russia wars in contemporary Iranian history, ultimately came to be perceived as a crisis in the Iranian mentality. This study employs the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe to explore why the pluralist discourse failed to attain a hegemonic position, alongside the aforementioned attitudes. By examining the semantic system and articulation of both the pluralist discourse and its antagonistic counterpart—the traditional religious discourse—this research aims to uncover the ideological foundations underlying the objective order of this period. Methodology The discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, which forms the methodological basis of this research, originates from the traditions of Marxism and structuralism (Saussurean linguistics) and seeks to deconstruct society as a coherent, unified whole. This approach is guided by two fundamental principles: 1- Contingency and 2- Antagonism. According to the first, physical phenomena do not possess inherent meaning; instead, meaning is assigned to them through discourse, and thus no meaning is ever fully established. The second principle posits that, due to the instability of meaning, constant conflict exists between different discourses. From this perspective, the "other" always and undeniably defines the "self." In this method, discourse formation begins with a nodal point—an element characterized by semantic stability that connects otherwise meaningless signs and grants them a new identity (articulation). The chain of equivalence resulting from this act of articulation forms a structured whole called a discourse. Generally, by examining the processes of articulation and related concepts such as element, moment, closure, and dislocation, Laclau and Mouffe aim to demonstrate how a discourse attains hegemonic status and how identities and social formations are shaped by this process. They also emphasize the limitations on action that arise from the semantic structure of discourses. Results and discussion This study finds that, within the social landscape of the Muhammad Shahi period, the failure of discourses such as Akhbarism, Shaykhism, and Babiism led to this era being dominated by two primary discourses: a pluralist discourse and a traditional (principled) religious discourse. On one hand, the nodal point of tolerance within the pluralist discourse fostered an understanding of the identity crisis resulting from the Iran-Russia wars, positioning the continuation of the modernity movement as its logical outcome. On the other hand, the meaning assigned to rationality in this discourse disrupted the traditional relationship between religion and politics, breaking sharply with the traditions of the Shiite Safavid monarchy and early Qajar theocracy. Consequently, the signifier of governance in this discourse acquired a rationalist meaning. Additionally, the nodal point of tolerance provided a foundation for minority rights by constructing a divine meaning for "difference." Contrastingly, the traditional religious discourse, with its nodal point of preserving religion, anchored its meaning in the government through the philosophical framework of prophecy. While legitimizing itself by attributing significance to concepts like ijtihad and taqlid, it also assumed a socio-political role. The nodal point of preserving religion conferred an identity-centric meaning that prioritized the protection of religion above all other considerations. This encoded the presence of any "other" threatening this identity as equivalent to apostasy, infidelity, heresy, etc., leading to rejection and safeguarding the integrity of the discourse’s established semantic system. The findings reveal that this nodal point of preservation also provided a minimal conceptualization of governance and an instrumental understanding of politics. Furthermore, the ongoing tension between these two discourses also extends to floating signifiers such as national interests and lifestyle, highlighting the ongoing contest over their meaning and significance. Conclusion The simultaneous emphasizing of different signs and signifiers, or assigning alternative meanings to the same signifiers within the discursive antagonism between these two discourses, introduced contradictory elements into the Iranian mentality. Despite embracing meanings associated with signifiers such as tolerance and modernity, the Shiite Iranian of this period, upon examining his mentality and thoughts, found neither a foundation for these meanings nor consistency with his traditional religious signifiers. The findings of this research indicate that the widespread acceptance and credibility of the traditional religious discourse, combined with the contradictions inherent in the competing discourses, the influence of Islamic nationalist discourse, and the shortcomings of pluralism—such as the presence of overtly anti-religious signifiers, the lack of robust theoretical support for its established signifiers compared to traditional religious discourse, and an inaccurate understanding of foreign policy—led to the perception of this discourse as a crisis within the Iranian mentality. دورۀ محمدشاهی و تکثرگرایی حاکم بر آن از دو حیث دارای اهمیت است: ۱. گذار از اقدامات تجددطلبانۀ محدود و پراکنده و نهادینه کردن آنها در قالب الگویی از حکمرانی در گسست با سنت حکومتداری سنتی؛ ۲. گسست از سنت فقه شیعی. سؤال اصلی پژوهش این است که علل ناتوانی گفتمان تکثرگرایی در یافتن موقعیتی هژمونیک و در نهایت، تلقی آن به‌عنوان بحران در ذهنیت ایرانی چه بوده‌اند. فرضیۀ پژوهش این است که شکست گفتمان تکثرگرایی در معنادهی به دال‌هایی چون دین و سیاست، «خود» و «دیگری»، حقوق اقلیت‌ها و... در برابر گفتمان دینی سنتی چنین امری را موجب شده است. نتایج پژوهش با استفاده از منابع کتابخانه‌ای برای جمع‌آوری داده‌ها و روش تحلیل گفتمان لاکلائو و موفه به‌عنوان روش پژوهش، نشان می‌دهد که در فضای تخاصم گفتمانی فوق، تناقض معنایی دال‌های گفتمان تکثرگرایی با مبانی ذهنیت ایرانی در کنار نارسایی‌هایی چون حضور دال‌های آشکارا ضددینی، فقدان برخورداری از مبنای منسجمی در نظام معنادهی خود، فقدان درکی جامع از سیاست خارجی و البته نفوذ گفتمان ناسیونالیسم اسلامی، سبب تلقی آن به‌مثابۀ بحران شد.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103743_ec40a785de4e521d404bfe2f6439fc28.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 3 2025 09 23 Khwaja Nezam al-Molk Tusi as a thinker of the Good Kingdom خواجه نظام‌الملک طوسی به مثابه اندیشمند «پادشاهی نیک» 894 869 103744 10.22059/jpq.2025.385606.1008271 FA یدالله هنری لطیف پور استادیار گروه علوم‌سیاسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اقتصادی و اجتماعی دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران. محمد علی قاسمی ترکی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی دانشکدۀ علوم اقتصادی و اجتماعی دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 01 24 Introduction The intellectual heritage of Iran and Islam, despite its weaknesses and contradictions, possesses abundant capacities. By rereading this heritage and understanding its strengths and weaknesses, a more accurate understanding of Iran's history can be achieved, and the necessary theoretical preparations and provisions for addressing Iran's current challenges and crises can be provided. Seyar al-Muluk by Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, the prominent vizier of the Seljuk dynasty, is one of the significant works within this heritage that has attracted scholars from various perspectives. Nizam al-Mulk Tusi, the adept vizier of the Seljuk era, undertook the task of organizing the fledgling Seljuk state during a period when many royal customs were outdated and social chaos was prevalent. He authored Seyar al-Muluk as a manifesto for establishing order and just governance. This important work has been examined from multiple angles, and in this study, Thomas Spragens' theoretical approach has been employed to reread, analyze, and understand the text of Seyar al-Muluk. Methodology Given the nature of the topic, the method employed in this article is textual analysis. This approach aims to interpret the propositions and themes within Seyar al-Muluk as the foundation for understanding its complexities, avoiding the imposition of contemporary semantic horizons on the text. The textual analysis method rests on the fundamental premise that to uncover the hidden meaning in the text, the concepts and themes need to be examined independently of other elements or factors. Results and Discussion A careful reading of Siyasatnama reveals that Nizam al-Mulk, with regard to his ideal and archetypal model and reflection on objective historical conditions, distinguished and depicted two contrasting states and periods: the state of good governance and prosperity, and the state of decline and decay. Essentially, Nizam al-Mulk’s conceptual cycle portrays these two conflicting states, which did not necessarily have direct and concrete realization in his time; instead, he first delineates an ideal, prosperous state, then imagines its opposite. For each, he provides evidence from both his era and previous periods and traditions. The ideal state, or era of prosperity and power, is characterized by the ruler fulfilling his core duties—including establishing justice, maintaining peace, preventing corruption, upholding law and order, supporting obedience, restraining overreach, and ensuring societal stability—thus "building the world" and preventing chaos and misconduct. Conversely, the decline and decay are marked by disorder, the rise of unworthy individuals to positions of power, marginalization of virtuous figures, disobedient subjects, and the eventual spread of chaos, injustice, and oppression. Conclusion If political thought is defined as the effort to determine realistic goals and the means to achieve them, then Nizam al-Mulk Tusi undeniably holds a distinguished place in the history of political thought. His reflections on governance—its realities, goals, and the means of survival, stability, decline, and destruction—offer solutions aimed at preventing deterioration and collapse. From Khwaja’s perspective, the primary aim of politics is to ensure societal welfare and peace among subjects, to eradicate corruption and disorder, and to establish good governance. His prescriptive solution for state longevity emphasizes the importance of establishing justice, which fundamentally involves understanding and acting according to justice. Notably, Khwaja’s concept of justice encompasses a broad conceptual network—including order, measure, arrangement, limit, condition, and system—paralleling the ancient Iranian concept of Asha, which signifies the force maintaining cosmic order, natural law, and sacred harmony. The lasting nature of justice depends on the preparations that secure it, chiefly through a monarchy that, in its ideal form, embodies virtues such as piety, vigilance, chivalry, and a love of knowledge. Other officials in the political hierarchy must also possess or adhere to these qualities, as neglecting them inevitably leads to decline and ruin in governance. Therefore, Nizam al-Mulk Tusi rightly deserves recognition as a thinker of good governance and order. سیرالملوک (سیاست‌نامه) اثر مشهور خواجه نظام‌الملک، وزیر نامدار سلجوقیان از معدود آثار برجسته در حوزۀ اندیشۀ سیاسی است که از منظر گونه‌شناسی اندیشۀ سیاسی در ذیل سنت کهن اندرزنامه‌نویسی قرار گرفته است. با توجه به اهمیت این متن و نقش ممتاز آن در میراث فکری ایران و اسلام، در این جستار با بهره‌گیری از رویکرد نظری توماس اسپریگنز و با روش تحلیل متن، مقام و موقع خواجه نظام‌الملک به‌مثابۀ اندیشمند سیاسی و دستاورد نظری وی برای دانش سیاست سنجش و واکاوی شده است. حاصل بحث مقاله این است که خواجه در این اثر با نظر به نظم و سامان آرمانی مُلهَم از نگرش ایران باستان و کیهان‌شناسی کلاسیک و افلاطونی و با تکیه بر تجارب خویش و اشاره به شواهد تاریخی و وضعیت زمانه، علل بروز شکاف و فاصلۀ بین نظم آرمانی و واقعیت موجود و تحول و تبدل جامعه از وضعیت مطلوب به وضعیت ادبار و زوال را واکاوی و به‌تبع آن راه‌حل‌ها و پیشنهادهایی را برای خروج از بحران و اعاده و استقرار پادشاهی و سامان نیک عرضه کرده است. اساس نسخۀ پیشنهادی وی، برقراری نظم و امنیت و آرامش و به‌قاعده بودن همۀ امور و سپردن کار به اهل آن است که ترجمان همۀ این اوصاف در یک کلام، همانا استقرار عدل به‌مثابۀ مهم‌ترین کارویژۀ پادشاهی نیک است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_103744_768fa6b2633d82a9563b5595e365dddd.pdf