دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 The Dialectic of Government and Society During the Constitutional Monarchy of Amanullah Khan (1919-1927) دیالکتیک حکومت و جامعه در دورۀ پادشاهی مشروطۀ امان‌الله خان 923 895 105061 10.22059/jpq.2025.389704.1008290 FA بی نظیر غفاری دانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی، گروه اندیشه‌های سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران. روح اله اسلامی دانشیار علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران. وحید سینائی دانشیار دانشکده علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران. حسین اطهری دانشیار دانشکده علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران. Journal Article 2025 02 13 Extended abstract This study explores the complex and enduring relationship between the state and society during the constitutional monarchy of Amanullah Khan in Afghanistan from 1919 to 1927. This period represents a crucial juncture in Afghan history, characterized by significant modernization efforts and shifts in the power dynamics between the government and the populace. The central research question seeks to identify the nature of the ruling government during this era by analyzing the characteristics of the interaction between the state and society. This involves examining the tensions, reforms, and resistances that shaped the political landscape of Afghanistan during Amanullah Khan’s reign. Amanullah Khan’s rule was marked by ambitious attempts to modernize Afghanistan, inspired by Western models. These reforms aimed to transform various aspects of Afghan life, including education, law, and social customs. However, these initiatives faced substantial opposition from traditional elites, religious leaders, and tribal groups, who perceived them as threats to their established authority, cultural values, and way of life. This divergence in vision led to increased friction between a state seeking to implement modern reforms and a society often resistant to such rapid change. Understanding this dynamic is crucial to assessing the nature of governance that emerged. The research is grounded in the theoretical framework presented in *The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty* by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson. This framework provides a valuable lens for analyzing the interplay between state power and societal forces. Acemoglu and Robinson emphasize the importance of a balance between a strong state and an engaged society for achieving liberty and prosperity. In the context of Amanullah Khan’s Afghanistan, this framework allows for a nuanced examination of how the relationship between the state’s modernization agenda and societal resistance shaped the political environment. The research seeks to determine whether the state evolved into a despotic entity that suppressed individual freedoms or if societal forces were able to exert sufficient influence to hold the state accountable. Specifically, the research asks: By focusing on the dialectical interaction of the state and society in Afghanistan from 1919 to 1927, what type of Leviathan emerged during the reign of Amanullah Khan, and what were its characteristics? This question seeks to categorize the nature of the government. The concept of the “Leviathan,” borrowed from Thomas Hobbes, is used here to describe the form and function of the state, particularly its exercise of power and authority. The study aims to determine whether the state under Amanullah Khan became an overbearing power or operated within constraints imposed by societal forces. The methodology employed in this research is qualitative data analysis. A variety of sources, including government documents, historical accounts, and scholarly works, are examined to provide a comprehensive understanding of the period. This approach allows for a detailed reconstruction of events and an assessment of the various factors that influenced the relationship between the state and society. The research findings suggest that the government of Amanullah Khan should be described as an autocratic state, yet one with elements of constitutionalism and efforts toward social and political reform. In conclusion, this research posits that the reign of Amanullah Khan saw the emergence of an autocratic state characterized by authoritarian tendencies but also incorporating elements of constitutionalism and reformist initiatives. The interplay between the state’s modernization efforts and societal resistance determined the nature of the government and its relationship with the Afghan population. This study contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics that shaped modern Afghanistan and offers insights into the challenges inherent in state-building and social transformation within a traditional society. The findings underscore the need for a balanced approach between state power and societal autonomy to foster sustainable development and political stability. این پژوهش به بررسی دیالکتیک پیچیده و دیرینۀ بین حکومت و جامعه در دورۀ پادشاهی مشروطۀ امان‌الله‌ خان در افغانستان (1919-1927) می‌پردازد. سؤال اصلی پژوهش این است که با تمرکز بر رابطۀ دیالکتیکی حکومت و جامعه در افغانستان از سال 1919 تا 1927، چه نوع لویاتانی در دوران سلطنت امان‌الله‌ خان شکل گرفت و چه ویژگی‌هایی داشت؟ فرضیۀ اصلی این تحقیق، استوار بر چارچوب ـ«راه باریک آزادی» رابینسون و عجم اوغلو، این است که دولت امانی با وجود تلاش برای مدرنیزاسیون و نهادینه‌سازی عناصر مشروطیت، به‌دلیل مقاومت‌های اجتماعی و فرهنگی نتوانست به‌طور کامل از ویژگی‌های استبدادی و تمرکز قدرت رها شود و به لویاتان غایب تبدیل شد. این پژوهش با استفاده از روش تحلیل کیفی داده‌ها از منابع، نشان می‌دهد که اصلاحات مدرن‌گرایانۀ امان‌الله خان با مقاومت‌های فرهنگی و اجتماعی مواجه شد و به ایجاد تنش بین حکومت و جامعه انجامید. یافته‌ها حاکی از آن است که حکومت امان‌الله خان، با وجود تمرکز قدرت و ویژگی‌های استبدادی، در تلاش برای نهادینه‌سازی برخی عناصر مشروطیت از طریق اصلاحات قانونی و اجتماعی با چالش‌های جدی روبه‌رو بود و در نهایت به لویاتان غایب تبدیل شد.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105061_da8e04d593fc71fef79766cc38e4890f.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 The Activities of Iranian Left-Wing Students Against Pahlavi II (1961-1979) فعالیت‌های دانشجویان چپ‌گرای ایرانی مقیم آمریکا بر ضد پهلوی دوم (۱۳۴۰ تا ۱۳۵۷) 948 925 105063 10.22059/jpq.2025.390985.1008305 FA الهام امیدی فرد دانشجوی دکتری انقلاب اسلامی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران. محمد بختیاری دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران. 0000-0003-2688-9648 حجت فلاح توتکار دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران. Journal Article 2025 02 24 Introduction The dispatch of Iranian students to Western academic centers during the Qajar era, followed by the expansion of higher education institutions under the Pahlavis, led to the emergence of a new, educated social force within Iranian society. In the period after September 1941, and particularly following the formation of the Tudeh Party in October of that year, this educated group found a suitable platform for organized political activism. However, a series of government crackdowns—triggered by events such as the unsuccessful assassination attempt on the Shah and culminating in the coup of August 19, 1953—forced the party's leaders and activists into exile and underground operations. Despite their emigration, they persisted in their efforts to exert influence over Iranian students abroad, particularly in Europe and America. During the 1960s, a wave of dissatisfaction with the Tudeh Party's traditional leadership spurred the formation of new student groups and networks, most notably Maoist and Trotskyist factions. The expansion of cultural ties between Iran and the United States in the second Pahlavi era further facilitated the development of these student networks and, by extension, their anti-establishment activities. Research Methodology This research employs the theory of new social movements to analyze the formation and development of the Iranian student left movement in the United States. With a specific focus on the components of collective identity, social networks, ideology, political opportunity structure, and the characteristics of students' migratory life, the study aims to provide a detailed examination of this movement. It utilizes a descriptive-analytical method, drawing on documentary evidence, archival materials, and oral history to analyze the movement's principal components. Discussion and Conclusion From the end of World War II until the late 1950s, the majority of Iranian students sent abroad—particularly to the United States and Europe—were typically either scholarship recipients or under the supervision of Iranian embassies. The formation of scattered student circles and associations was primarily motivated by a sense of Iranian identity in their host countries. The Iranian government's support for organizing these associations was aimed mainly at political control and guidance. Accordingly, the first comprehensive organization for Iranian students in the U.S. was established in 1952 through an initiative by the Iranian Embassy in cooperation with the Middle East Friends Association in Madison, Wisconsin. Financial support for these students from the embassy and the association was contingent on their non-participation in political affairs. However, by the end of the 1950s, the opening of the political atmosphere within Iran paved the way for critical students to engage in political critique and action. The result of this activism was that students wrested control of the Organization of Iranian Students in the U.S. from the Iranian Embassy, securing its independence. During this period, responding to both internal developments and the perceived stagnation of the Tudeh Party, the “Organization of Communist Revolutionaries” was founded around 1969–70 in Berkeley, California. A few years later, internal developments prompted the organization to change its name to the “Union of Iranian Communists.” Simultaneously, at the height of Maoism’s influence, the leftist student movement also witnessed the emergence of Trotskyist tendencies. The rise of this orientation was fueled by a combination of internal factors—such as frustration with the Tudeh Party's leadership and its conservative policies—and external factors, including indirect U.S. support for weakening the pro-Soviet line of Marxism. Both the Union of Iranian Communists and the emerging Iranian Trotskyist circles shared a common goal: to raise political awareness among students with the ultimate aim of sparking a workers' revolution in Iran. Like other student groups, the Union of Iranian Communists and Iranian Trotskyist students employed a variety of tactics in their struggle against the Pahlavi regime. Their most important activities included publishing ideological journals and pamphlets, organizing protests during the Shah’s or his family members’ visits to the U.S., and exposing the regime’s dependency on imperialism and its role as a regional gendarme. They also held exposé-style seminars on state-sponsored assassination policies and repression, voiced support for political prisoners, and expressed solidarity with international liberation movements, such as those in Palestine and Dhofar. The failure of opposition movements against the Pahlavi regime between 1960 and 1963, coupled with the perceived ineffectiveness of peaceful political activism, led many Iranian youth and students to lose trust in traditional parties and their cautious leadership. Inspired by the success of radical movements—such as the Cuban Revolution and Algeria's independence struggle—they sought new, more militant paths of activism. This shift was further accelerated by the ideological rift between the Soviet Union and China, which deepened the younger generation’s break from traditional party structures and contributed significantly to the rise of Maoist tendencies. Following internal splits within the Tudeh Party, two student-led movements in Europe—the “Revolutionary Organization of the Tudeh Party” and, later, the “Toofan Organization”—declared independence. These new ideological currents also gained considerable influence among leftist Iranian students in the United States. Following the exile of its leaders and members after the coup of August 19, 1953, a key strategy of the Tudeh Party was to attract young student forces abroad. This involved organizing a "Western Branch" specifically to engage with Iranian students residing in the United States. The party sought to gain influence through various means, including networking via journal publications, establishing personal connections, and even addressing students' financial problems. The establishment of the “Confederation of Iranian Students in America,” which was affiliated with the Tudeh Party, solidified its influence among a minority of students. However, from the 1960s onwards, as more radical approaches gained traction among the student body, the influence of the Tudeh Party declined. Students increasingly gravitated toward emerging ideologies, particularly Maoism. با گسترش مناسبات فرهنگی میان ایران و آمریکا در دورة پهلوی دوم و افزایش شمار دانشجویان ایرانی در آمریکا در دهه‌های 40 و 50 شمسی، بستری نوین برای شکل‌گیری و بازتعریف هویت جمعی دانشجویی به‌وجود آمد. در آستانة دهة چهل، گروه‌های دانشجویی ایرانی در آمریکا و اروپای غربی، تحت تأثیر ایدئولوژی‌های گوناگون نظیر ناسیونالیسم، مارکسیست و اسلام‌گرایی، به سازماندهی برنامه‌های اعتراضی علیه حکومت پهلوی دوم پرداختند. حزب توده و گفتمان چپ با نفوذ در میان دانشجویان ایرانی در آمریکا، در ساخت هویت این گروه‌ها نقشی بارز داشت. پس از انشعابات داخلی حزب توده در دهة چهل، جریان‌های نوظهور مارکسیستی‌-مائوییستی و تروتسکیستی به‌عنوان بازیگران عمده، با وجود رقابت‌ها و اختلاف‌هایی که بین آنها شکل گرفت، فعالیت‌ها و اقدامات اعتراضی مؤثری را رقم زدند. این پژوهش می‌کوشد با تکیه بر نظریة جنبش‌های اجتماعی جدید، به واکاوی روند گرایش دانشجویان ایرانی مقیم آمریکا به سمت جریان چپ، چگونگی شکل‌گیری هویت جمعی آنان و اشکال مقاومت و فعالیت‌های آنها در برابر ساختار قدرت بپردازد. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که هویت جمعی دانشجویان چپ‌گرا، با بهره‌گیری از شبکه‌های سازمانی و اتکا به ایدئولوژی‌های رادیکال نظیر مارکسیستی- مائویستی و تروتسکیستی، شکل گرفت و به سازماندهی فعالیت‌های اعتراضی زیادی علیه رژیم پهلوی دوم انجامید.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105063_60dfefd0a3bf2c15b7fafd404d9e4aa2.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 Baudrillard and The End of the Political بودریار و پایان امر سیاسی 969 949 105056 10.22059/jpq.2025.229541.1007032 FA احمد خالقی دامغانی دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. مصطفی انصافی دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری اندیشۀ سیاسی دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2017 03 10 Introduction At the outset of his intellectual career, Jean Baudrillard began by critiquing and radicalizing the works of Marx. However, following the decline and failure of the rebellions of the 1960s, a disillusioned and hopeless Baudrillard underwent a metaphysical turn, which produced the works characteristic of the second period of his intellectual life. From the 1980s onwards, using concepts such as simulation and simulacrum, his analysis of consumer societies, and his critique of the mass media, Baudrillard created specific, trend-setting works, despite their written ambiguities. The main discussion of the present article revolves around the question of what evidence Baudrillard uses to argue for the end of the political. The central hypothesis implies that, according to Baudrillard, we have entered the postmodern space with the transition from the modern era—a virtual and hyperreal space saturated with information and communication. In this space, the more information is produced, the more meaning is lost. He believes that due to the intensified activity of the media, reality itself has been forgotten, and we are instead faced with fabricated realities that are created and manipulated by the media. In his view, within such an environment, the social cohesion that bound society together has lost its quality and effectiveness. Consequently, we are witnessing the refraction and evaporation of society, the social, the masses, power, resistance, and ultimately, the political itself. Methodology the article uses a descriptive-analytic method. Findings The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes: 1- Until the late twentieth century, the fundamental nature of the media was largely unquestioned; it was conventionally understood as a mirror of reality—a neutral tool depicting events as they occurred. The culmination of this perspective is found in the work of Marshall McLuhan (Understanding Media). However, Jean Baudrillard, a fierce and systematic critic, challenged these predominantly liberal assumptions by interrogating the very nature of the media and the realistic dignity assigned to it. Baudrillard’s critique serves as a crushing response to McLuhan's theory of the "global village" and the media's role in the modern world. Whereas McLuhan believed the media would clarify global events, thereby increasing public awareness and connectivity—positing that greater information volume leads to greater individual understanding—Baudrillard insists on the opposite. He argues that as media proliferate and more information is supplied, the social space becomes more opaque, resulting in less meaning overall. Baudrillard builds upon the lesson he learned from McLuhan, that "the medium itself is the message," and turns it against him. This proposition confirms that the primary significance of media lies not in the content but in the form of communication itself. An event need not occur in the objective, external world; what is more important is that it is nurtured within the media in a way that makes it appear more real than reality itself. 2- Baudrillard argues that the era of modernity—defined by politics, culture, and social life—has passed. In its place, a revolution in meaning, initiated by digital technologies and the exchange of signs, has ushered in a new epoch that stands upon the ruins of the previous one: the era of postmodernity. This new condition is characterized by the absence of politics, culture, and genuine social action. Postmodernity has done to modernity what modernity itself did to tradition: it has effected a complete destruction and erosion, reducing it to meaninglessness and collapse. For Baudrillard, we inhabit a postmodern world—a world that has collapsed in on itself. It is a time of dissolution, where everything is reduced to signs that signify nothing. Consequently, events in this world are rendered meaningless because there is no real subject to grant them identity and presence. As a result, events cease to be events for a subject; instead, they occur autonomously, without any reference to a subject. 3- For Baudrillard, an entity called "power" has a purely virtual, rather than a real, existence. Power is neither one-dimensional, two-dimensional, nor three-dimensional; it is neither networked nor rotational. Instead, power is an image—a pretense that can only be found within the media and not in the objective world. One must seek power in the propaganda gestures of politicians and rulers, which are themselves merely a form of media reproduction. In reality, there is no such thing as power. Furthermore, Baudrillard would argue that Foucault cannot adequately describe the devices of pretense that multiply around the axis of a vast, simulated mechanism—a mechanism that twists all arrangements into an ever-widening spiral of illusion. This is because Foucault's gaze remains fixed on a classical semiotics of power, an framework incapable of accounting for this hyperreal dimension. Analysis Baudrillard's argument in support of his hypothesis regarding the "end of politics" revolves around the idea that society is the cornerstone of the political. He contends that the media have now filled all the empty spaces between individuals—spaces that were previously occupied by social contracts. Consequently, with the collapse and refraction of society itself, the possibility for genuine political action also ends, as there is no longer a social space in which it can occur. Politics is thus relegated from the real world to cyberspace and the media, becoming manifest only in the gestures of politicians. In this state, politics itself becomes a film, an allegory, or a pretense. Conclusion Baudrillard's pessimistic stance culminates in the idea of the "end of politics." This pessimistic philosopher holds no hope for the reform or transformation of contemporary affairs, believing we are instead confronted by "silent majorities" in the social world. These orientations have led his thought to resemble a form of romanticism and political apocalypticism. His theories were, in many ways, the product of intellectual frustration resulting from the perceived barrenness of the 1960s' political events. These frustrations prompted an intellectual metamorphosis, steering Baudrillard toward a position of political conservatism. رخدادهای سال توفانی 1968 بسیاری از اندیشمندان چپ‌گرا را بر آن داشت تا از بازگشت امر سیاسی صحبت به میان آورند و خیزش جنبش‌های اجتماعی جدید را نسخه‌ای از سیاست رادیکال معرفی کنند که جایگزین سیاست‌های مبتنی بر بازنمایی سنتی می‌شود. ولی در همین دوران ژان بودریار که در مرکز آشوب‌ها یعنی دانشگاه نانتر مشغول تدریس بود اعتقاد داشت که پدیده‌های کلان سیاست مدرن مثل توده، قدرت و مقاومت در دیگ جوشان مجازی‌سازی رسانه‌ها هر لحظه دود می‌شوند و به هوا می‌روند و امر سیاسی در جهان پسامدرن معاصر به پایان رسیده و سیاست بدل به وانموده‌ای ناب شده است. بحث اصلی پژوهش حاضر حول این پرسش می‌چرخد که بودریار بنا به چه ادله‌ای از پایان امر سیاسی سخن می‌گوید؟ فرضیۀ اصلی مقاله با اتکا به روش تحقیق توصیفی-تحلیلی دلالت بر این دارد که به عقیدۀ بوردیار، ما با گذار از دوران مدرن وارد فضای پسامدرن شده‌ایم، فضایی مجازی و حاد واقعی، فضایی مملو از اطلاعات و ارتباطات که در آن هرچه اطلاعات بیشتر تولید می‌شود، معنا نیز هرچه بیشتر از دست می‌رود. وی بر آن است که در اثر ازدیاد فعالیت رسانه‌ها، واقعیت به فراموشی سپرده‌ شده و ما به‌جای آن با واقعیات ساختگی مواجهیم که توسط رسانه‌ها ساخته‌وپرداخته می‌شوند. از نظر وی در چنین فضایی، آن چسبندگی که اجزای جامعه را به هم پیوند می‌داد و جامعه‌ای خاص را بر می‌سازد، کیفیت و کارایی خود را از دست ‌داده و شاهد انکسار و بخارشدگی جامعه، امر اجتماعی، توده، قدرت، مقاومت و امر سیاسی هستیم.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105056_c17cac496bb86d4f5092f8f3f43604f2.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 Challenges and New Roles of British Foreign Policy in the Post-Brexit Era چالش‌ها و نقش‌های جدید سیاست خارجی بریتانیا در دوران پسابرگزیت 1007 971 105058 10.22059/jpq.2025.387351.1008311 FA رضا رحمتی استادیار روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکدۀ اقتصاد و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران. حسین امام وردی دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 03 02 Introduction The United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union, known as "Brexit," represents one of the most significant geopolitical developments of the 21st century, with profound implications for its internal structure and international position. Since the UK's accession to the European Economic Community in 1973, reservations regarding deeper European integration have persisted in both domestic and foreign policy. Brexit can be viewed as the culmination of this historical divide, resulting in the country's departure from one of the world's most important economic and political unions. Initial analyses focused primarily on domestic consequences, particularly in economic, trade, and social sectors. Over time, however, broader effects on foreign policy and the UK's standing in international institutions such as the United Nations, NATO, the G7, and the G20 have become more evident. Leaving the European Union not only altered the UK's relationships with European nations but also presented the challenge of redefining its role within the international system. Consequently, UK foreign policy in the post-Brexit era stands at a critical juncture. While supporters emphasized regaining national sovereignty, international realities present numerous challenges to maintaining global influence. The most significant of these is redefining the UK's international position without the benefits of EU membership. Furthermore, amid growing competition among major powers and the rise of emerging actors, the UK is compelled to adopt new foreign policy strategies, necessitating an adjustment of relations with the United States, China, the European Union, and Commonwealth countries. This analysis of the UK's post-Brexit foreign policy can be framed within Role Theory. This theory assumes that states adopt specific international roles based on the perceptions of their political elites, the expectations of other international actors, and structural changes. Leaving the European Union necessitates a redefinition of these roles for the UK, which can no longer act as a key EU player and must therefore build new alliances and redesign its foreign policy. Accordingly, this study addresses the fundamental question: what new challenges and roles does the UK's foreign policy face in the post-Brexit era? The research framework will first explain Role Theory in Foreign Policy. It will then examine the core challenges confronting the UK and analyze its strategies for redefining its role within the post-Brexit international order. Theoretical and Conceptual Framework The theoretical framework of this study is grounded in Foreign Policy Role Theory, which analyzes a state's position within the international system based on internal perceptions, external expectations, and the social structures of international interactions. This theory posits the "national role" as a key element of foreign policy, encompassing a state's understanding of its position and the expectations other international actors hold for it. According to this approach, a country’s foreign policy role is not merely a reflection of internal, historical perceptions of national identity but is also shaped dynamically through interaction with other actors and influenced by international institutions and structures. Within this framework, the concept of "role prescriptions" is particularly important. These prescriptions refer to the set of expectations and norms imposed on a state by both domestic and international actors, which play a central role in defining and implementing its foreign policy. They can originate from international institutions, regional coalitions, or public opinion, thereby directly influencing the state’s international behavior. From this perspective, the United Kingdom's departure from the European Union represents a profound structural transformation that has necessitated a redefinition of its international role. Brexit has altered the UK’s institutional and geopolitical position, subjecting it to new domestic and international expectations and pressures. Consequently, the UK is compelled to redefine its national role and adjust its foreign relations to stabilize its position within the international system. This redefinition process is influenced by factors such as the expectations of international actors, national power resources, and role socialization. Therefore, the UK’s post-Brexit foreign policy can be analyzed through the interplay of internal role perceptions, the requirements of the international system, and the new strategic choices the country adopts. Methodology This research employs a qualitative methodology with an explanatory-analytical approach to examine the United Kingdom's role and position in international politics following Brexit. The study utilizes document analysis as its primary data collection method to understand the redefinition of the UK's national role and its foreign policy requirements. Data was gathered through a comprehensive review of written sources, including books, scholarly articles, credible reports, and reliable online publications. The selection of sources was guided by their academic credibility and direct relevance to the research topic, ensuring a substantiated analysis of the changes in the UK's international role. By employing this method, the research aims to provide an accurate picture of the challenges and opportunities facing the UK in the post-Brexit era, examining official documents and conducting a discourse analysis of foreign policy statements. This approach facilitates an understanding of the processes of national role formation and redefinition within the framework of Foreign Policy Role Theory. It thereby contributes to identifying the key components influencing the UK’s foreign policy in the new global context. Results and Findings After the Brexit, the United Kingdom has faced a series of complex challenges in its foreign policy. These developments have not only had profound impacts on the country’s domestic and economic relations, but they have also led to the redefinition of its role in the international system. Brexit has presented significant challenges in the economic, defense, and diplomatic domains, compelling the UK to develop new strategic approaches. The following five key challenges are central to the post-Brexit landscape: Complexities of the Brexit Negotiations: The negotiations themselves constituted one of the UK's most challenging diplomatic processes, impacting its relations with the European Union and its broader international standing. This arduous process required the renegotiation of over 750 international agreements, an undertaking that significantly strained diplomatic resources and diminished the UK's collective bargaining power. Reduced Influence in EU Foreign Policy Institutions: Following its departure, the UK was excluded from the European Union's central foreign policy frameworks, such as the European External Action Service (EEAS) and the Political and Security Committee. This exclusion has reduced its capacity to coordinate international policies and participate in collective decision-making on a wide range of global issues. Challenges in Designing and Implementing Independent Sanctions: While the UK can now act autonomously, it faces the challenge of designing and imposing independent sanctions without the collective weight of the EU. Whereas it previously played a leading role within the EU's sanctions regime, it now must establish the legal authority and practical efficacy of its unilateral measures, which may carry less influence. Absence from the EU Key Decision-Making Processes: The UK’s departure resulted in its absence from critical EU decision-making processes, particularly in security and defense. This lack of access limits its ability to shape policies that directly affect European security and, by extension, its own national interests. Changes in Global Perception and Declining International Legitimacy: Exiting a major multilateral body like the EU could be perceived as a step away from collective global engagement. This perception risks diminishing the UK's international legitimacy and soft power, potentially affecting its trade negotiations and political influence on the world stage. These challenges collectively define the complex environment in which post-Brexit UK foreign policy must operate. Following Brexit, the United Kingdom has been actively striving to redefine its role in global politics. Confronted with the significant challenges of leaving the European Union, the UK aims to leverage new opportunities to maintain its global influence. These efforts involve creating independent and flexible strategies across various domains, crystallizing around six key roles: Efforts to Avoid Isolationism: The UK is consciously working to counter any perception of isolationism following its EU exit. It seeks to project an image as an active, key player in global politics by strengthening diplomatic and trade relations with various nations. This approach focuses particularly on enhancing cooperation in global economic and security affairs to sustain its position as a global power. 'Global Britain' as a Trade Nation: A central post-Brexit strategy is the "Global Britain" agenda, which aims to establish the UK as an independent "global trade nation." This involves designing and implementing trade policies free from the EU, creating new opportunities for bilateral and multilateral economic cooperation worldwide to reinforce its status as a global trading power. Rebuilding Its Position as a Great Power: The UK is seeking to reclaim its stature as a "great global power" within the international system. Efforts are concentrated on military, economic, and diplomatic fields, utilizing strengthened military resources, active NATO participation, and involvement in global security operations to demonstrate its determination to maintain influence in global defense. Regional Partner to the European Union: Despite its departure, the UK aims to become a "regional partner" to the EU. This strategy focuses on maintaining close economic and security ties through new strategic partnerships and bilateral cooperation, positioning the UK as the EU's "strongest friend and partner," especially in trade, security, and judicial matters. Leader of the Commonwealth of Nations: The UK is working to assume a strengthened leadership role within the Commonwealth. This strategy is designed to enhance diplomatic and economic relations with key member countries like Australia, Canada, India, and South Africa. Through official visits and emphasizing strategic importance, the UK seeks to forge new trade partnerships and aims to become the largest G7 investor in Africa. Loyal Ally of the United States: Post-Brexit, the UK is focused on reinforcing its "special relationship" with the United States, casting itself as a "loyal ally." British and American officials have consistently emphasized that this vital partnership will not only endure but expand following the UK's departure from the European Union. Conclusion This study concludes that in the wake of Brexit, the United Kingdom is actively redefining its international position, focusing on rebuilding and strengthening its global foreign policy roles. Its departure from the European Union has presented significant challenges, including the complexities of the withdrawal negotiations, diminished influence within EU institutions, the need to design independent sanctions, exclusion from key EU decision-making processes, and a perceived decline in global legitimacy. These challenges have compelled the UK to adopt new strategic approaches to preserve and enhance its international standing. In this context, UK policy has prioritized avoiding isolationism and strengthening bilateral diplomatic relations. The "Global Britain" strategy, aimed at establishing the nation as an independent global trade power, is a central pillar of this effort, focusing on new economic agreements beyond Europe. Concurrently, the UK seeks to bolster its status as a great global power through active engagement in security and geopolitical matters, including enhanced defense cooperation. The UK also aims to maintain a close and effective relationship with the European Union as a "regional partner," leveraging the security and economic benefits of this tie. Leadership within the Commonwealth of Nations presents another avenue for expanding geopolitical influence. Furthermore, reinforcing its position as a "loyal ally" of the United States, particularly in security and defense, remains a key foreign policy priority. The ultimate success of these strategies depends on the UK's ability to adeptly manage domestic and international challenges, strike a balance between strategic independence and reliance on key partners, and strengthen its diplomatic and economic legitimacy. The future of UK foreign policy will therefore be determined by its success in adapting to the new international order and effectively capitalizing on strategic opportunities to cement its redefined roles on the global stage. این مقاله با بهره‌گیری از نظریۀ نقش، به بررسی سیاست خارجی بریتانیا پس از برگزیت و تلاش این کشور برای تعریف جایگاه جدید خود در نظام بین‌الملل می‌پردازد. برگزیت به‌عنوان یک تحول اساسی، چالش‌های متعددی را در سیاست داخلی و خارجی بریتانیا ایجاد کرده و فشار زیادی بر ظرفیت‌های دیپلماتیک، اداری و راهبردی آن وارد ساخته است. پرسش اصلی پژوهش آن است که سیاست خارجی بریتانیا در دورۀ پسابرگزیت با چه چالش‌ها و نقش‌های جدیدی مواجه است. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که بریتانیا همچنان در مسیر تدوین راهبردی منسجم در سیاست خارجی قرار دارد. مهم‌ترین چالش‌های پیش‌روی این کشور شامل کاهش نفوذ در نهادهای سیاستگذاری اتحادیۀ اروپا، محدودیت در اعمال تحریم‌ها، حذف از فرایندهای تصمیم‌گیری کلان در اتحادیۀ اروپا، تغییر در برداشت جهانی از موقعیت بریتانیا و کاهش مشروعیت بین‌المللی آن است. در این چارچوب، بریتانیا برای جلوگیری از انزوا و حفظ جایگاه خود در نظام بین‌الملل، همزمان شش نقش کلیدی را دنبال می‌کند: «تلاش برای دوری از انزواطلبی، دولت تجاری جهانی متحد راهبردی ایالات متحده، بازسازی جایگاه به‌عنوان یک قدرت بزرگ جهانی، شریک منطقه‌ای اتحادیۀ اروپا، و رهبر کشورهای مشترک‌المنافع». این پژوهش با هدف تحلیل چالش‌ها و نقش‌های نوین سیاست خارجی بریتانیا در دوران پسابرگزیت، با رویکردی کیفی و بهره‌گیری از روش تحلیل نظری انجام گرفته است. داده‌های پژوهش از طریق منابع مکتوب، اسناد رسمی و گزارش‌های معتبر گردآوری شده‌ است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105058_760241b1f4532d09aada584932c2f37c.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 The Implications of Sweden and Finland’s NATO membership for Deterring Russia in Europe تأثیر پیوستن سوئد و فنلاند به ناتو بر بازدارندگی اروپا در برابر روسیه 1034 1009 105060 10.22059/jpq.2025.389174.1008281 FA علی صباغیان دانشیار گروه مطالعات منطقه‌ای علوم سیاسی، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. احمد رضا یوسف وند دانشجوی دکتری مطالعات منطقه‌ای،‌ دانشکدة حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 02 03 Introduction NATO's eastward enlargement and Russia's ambitions in Europe have precipitated major crises in the international arena. In this context, Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 marked a significant turning point in the conflict with the West, bringing efforts to deter Russia back into sharp focus. This event was preceded by the 2008 conflict over South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which had already drawn international attention to the escalating tensions. The persistence of these tensions culminated in Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The war continues to this day, with parts of eastern and southeastern Ukraine under the control of the Russian army. In response to Russia's actions, NATO has implemented a range of measures. A significant part of this strategy focuses on strengthening countries in Russia's neighborhood, which are more vulnerable and constitute the alliance's front line. A key manifestation of this strategy is the accession of Finland and Sweden to the North Atlantic Treaty in April 2023 and March 2024, respectively. An essential aspect of this development is that both Sweden and Finland had historically maintained a policy of neutrality, which allowed them to pursue security cooperation while avoiding direct entanglement in West-Russia conflicts and their associated risks. Sweden had upheld this stance since the Napoleonic Wars, and Finland since 1948, to the extent that many scholars considered neutrality a core component of their national identities. However, fundamental shifts in the European security environment prompted a significant reassessment in both nations, convincing policymakers and public opinion that the policy of neutrality was no longer sustainable. This article examines the implications of this strategic reorientation for NATO's deterrence posture against Russia. The central research question it addresses is: What impact does the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO have on the alliance's ability to deter Russian aggression? To answer this question, the article will also provide a historical background of their neutrality and analyze the specific factors that led to this pivotal change in policy. The Research Method This article employs a case study methodology. Data was collected using a documentary method, drawing from a variety of sources including scholarly articles, books, and public statements by officials reported in the media. The analysis is guided by the theoretical approach to deterrence developed by Alexander George and Richard Smoke. This framework facilitates a systematic, multi-level analysis by connecting various factors, making it particularly suitable for examining complex, multifaceted cases such as this one. Discussion and Results As previously stated, the theoretical framework of deterrence developed by Alexander George and Richard Smoke is applied to answer the research question. The study's hypothesis is that the accession of Finland and Sweden to NATO will enhance the West's deterrent power against Russia by creating new strategic conditions. These conditions include the extension of NATO's security guarantees—specifically Article 5 on collective defense—increased combined military capability, a more favorable geopolitical position for the alliance, and a clear warning to Russia that any hostile action will incur serious consequences. A key novelty of this work, in comparison to other studies in the field, is its specific emphasis on the concept of deterrence in relation to Finland's and Sweden's accessions. It pays particular attention to the consequences this membership has for the evolution of deterrence against Russia in the European theater. In the deterrence framework developed by Alexander George and Richard Smoke, several factors are critical for effectiveness, and this article adapts these components to the present case study. Regarding defense and security capabilities, the analysis demonstrates that Sweden and Finland's accession to NATO reciprocally enhances the alliance's military strength. Although both nations had significant prior cooperation with NATO, their formal membership sends an unequivocal message about the collective seriousness in countering Russian threats, thereby bolstering the credibility of deterrence. However, it has been suggested that the inclusion of formerly neutral actors, who may have previously maintained reasonable relations with Russia, could potentially have the opposite effect, creating challenges for the perceived unity and resolve of NATO members. Despite this concern, other experts contend that Sweden and Finland have a proven history of managing Russian threats independently, and their membership represents a mutual benefit that strengthens both the alliance and the two nations. Within George and Smoke's approach, historical and geopolitical contexts, along with the perceptions actors hold of one another, are also vital. From this perspective, the accession of Sweden and Finland provides NATO with a strategically advantageous position, which is geopolitically significant. Conversely, some analysts, citing the security dilemma and considering Russia's historical context and perceptions, argue that this expansion will increase regional tensions. Others, pointing to precedents like Russian threats and the deployment of nuclear weapons in Kaliningrad, reject this claim, viewing the memberships as a necessary step to counter an existing and demonstrated threat. Conclusion In light of this article's analysis, it is evident that the accession of Finland and Sweden generally enhances the deterrence capabilities of Western actors against Russia. However, the findings also indicate that the realities of the historical context and Russia's perception of Western actions may inadvertently fuel an arms race and intensify the security dilemma. دو کشور فنلاند و سوئد به‌ترتیب در آوریل 2023 و مارس 2024 به ناتو پیوستند. این رویداد تأثیرات زیادی بر وضعیت بازدارندگی اروپا و غرب در مقابل روسیه دارد که تحلیل این موضوع را ضروری می‌نماید. این امر در پی رقابت ژئوپلیتیک بین ناتو و روسیه که سالیان متمادی از مهم‌ترین مسائل بین‌المللی بوده رخ داد. بنابراین، سؤال این پژوهش این است که پیوستن سوئد و فنلاند به ناتو چگونه بر بازدارندگی در برابر روسیه تأثیر می‌گذارد؟ سؤال مذکور بر اساس این فرضیه بررسی می‌شود که پیوستن فنلاند و سوئد شرایطی را به‌وجود می‌آورد که در آن به‌دلیل ضمانت‌های امنیتی ناتو از جمله بند 5 مربوط به دفاع جمعی، افزایش ظرفیت‌های نظامی ناتو، ایجاد دسترسی ژئوپلیتیک بهتر برای آن و هشداردهی به روسیه توان بازدارندگی بازیگران غربی در برابر این کشور را افزایش می‌دهد. روش پژوهش از نوع کیفی و مطالعة موردی است و پژوهشگران موضوع تحقیق خود را با استفاده از نظریة بازدارندگی مشروط بر اساس دیدگاه الکساندر جورج و ریچارد اسموک تحلیل می‌کنند. در این چارچوب، برای ارزیابی بازدارندگی اعمال‌شده از عناصر ظرفیت نظامی، دسترسی ژئوپلیتیک، ارتباط ، ادراک رقیب (روسیه) و زمینه‌های تاریخی استفاده می‌شود تا تحلیلی نظام‌مند از پدیدة مورد بررسی ارائه شود. یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که واقعیت‌های مربوط به زمینه‌های تاریخی و ادراک روسیه از اقدامات غرب می‌تواند تا حدودی بازدارندگی غرب علیه روسیه را تعدیل کند.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105060_d3e7c5a71ee61aca5160c284069eba21.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 Intrinsic Values in Liberalism: The Case Study of Isaiah Berlin مفهوم ارزش ذاتی در سنت فکری لیبرالیسم: مطالعۀ موردی آیزایا برلین 1053 1035 105057 10.22059/jpq.2025.271263.1007352 FA عبدالرحمن عالم استاد علوم سیاسی، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. امیر ملائی مظفری دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری علوم سیاسی، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2019 01 01 Introduction Whenever the values of an individual or a group of foreigners have been condemned in any way, the condemnor have probably referred to the non-universal or non-intrinstic nature of the values in question. The most prominent example is when, under the pretext of liberating a foreign society from the clutches of particular or non-intrinsic values, the condemnors directly interfere in the affairs of that society and invade their country. One common justification for such criticism and intervention is that the value of that individual or group of foreigners does not conform to the values of the general public in their own society or the values of the general public in the world. Another justification is that the value of that individual or group of foreigners is intrinsicly wrong and unnatural. At first glance, these justifications are not problematic because why should we adopt a value that goes against tradition, common sense, or our own nature? But the fundamental question is whether the values of those critics, to which they invite foreigners, are truly universal and intrinsic or are merely assumed to be so? What value is universal or intrinsic? Methodology This research adopts a meta-ethical framework and employs deductive reasoning to address its central questions. We first establish our stance on the plurality of values by examining two contrasting schools of thought: value pluralism and ethical monism. Subsequently, we analyze the values of the liberal political system. While its proponents present liberalism as the primary defender of value pluralism and the optimal societal model, in practice, liberal thinkers and politicians have frequently engaged in direct or indirect criticism of non-liberal societies' values, and have at times violated them. Finally, by providing precise definitions of universal and intrinsic values, the study offers a specific critique of Isaiah Berlin’s pluralistic liberalism. It argues that Berlin's framework erroneously presents certain higher-ranked liberal values as both universal and intrinsic. Under the pretext of preserving a minimum threshold of these values, this approach legitimizes measures that lead to unintended and destructive political consequences. Findings and Analysis For simplicity, an intrinsic value is usually defined as something we value for its own sake. In contrast, an instrumental value is usually defined as something we value as a means to achieve another value. Unfortunately, these definitions are more like an incomplete cheat sheet written hastily the night before the exam. E. Moore, one of the great philosophers of ethics, provides a better and more complex definition of intrinsic values: “It is impossible for what is strictly one and the same thing to possess that kind of value at one time, or in one set of circumstances, and not to possess it at another” (Moore, 1922: 261). In other words, intrinsic value is a value that depends on the nature and essence of a thing, and its existence and intensity never change. Under this more complete definition, the concepts of negative freedom and positive freedom, as articulated by Isaiah Berlin, would not logically have intrinsic values. Because if freedom has intrinsic value, then, for example, freedom to torture should not be permissible in a place where it is intended for self-torture, and impermissible in another place where it is intended for the freedom to torture others or, more generally as liberals say, impinge others’ freedom. Yet, John Stuart Mill, in his essay “On Liberty,” considers this to be the very first principle of liberalism (Mill, 1984: Chapter V). In other words, whenever the question “In what aspect is it valuable?” is honestly asked, there is a strong possibility that the value in question is not intrinsic, as the conditions seem to determine its type or degree of value. If we want to give an example of truly intrinsic values, we can say that saving the lives of other human beings is intrinsically valuable, and there is never a need to ask, “In what aspect or to whom is it valuable?” There is also no doubt that the degree of non-intrinsic values such as positive freedom or negative freedom will be different in practice if we lack the inner ability or have external limitations to utilize our freedom. As Berlin himself says, “What is freedom to those who cannot make use of it?” (Berlin, 1969: 171). Conclusion Now that the intrinsicality of values is not what we expected it to be, what term should we use to refer to acts that we value solely for their own sake? None. Because, according to John Dewey, such a situation does not exist at all. Dewey argues that a meaningful relationship between instrumental values and intrinsic values (in the conventional sense) is only possible in an isolated and disconnected space where we use a tool to achieve a goal, and there is no other goal after that forever. However, real life is not a hodgepodge of isolated and disconnected acts; our acts are interconnected in a chain. “For treating the end as merely immediate and exclusively final is equivalent to refusal to consider what will happen after and because a particular end is reached” (Dewey, 1939: 26). With this in mind, what is the necessity of retaining the concept of universal values? Firstly, only this concept distinguishes Berlin’s value pluralism from radical relativism, and therefore, pluralists cannot abandon it until a better alternative is found. Secondly, human existence confirms the sharing of a set of values in the value system of most people in the world throughout history. But if we prove the universality of some values, not as a historical fact but as a metaphysical truth in the void, then nothing will stop us from assuming that our particular values, like Isaiah Berlin’s, are universal. Then, our infallible argument would be, “Although our value has never been a value for anyone but a minority, we say that it ought to be intrinsically a value for all human beings,” which is very dangerous. But, on the other hand, if we use the term “universal values” in the precise sense as a fact, we provide common ground for debate, negotiation, and compromise. در دنیای سیاست، اگر انتقادها، دشمنی‌ها و حتی جنگ‌افروزی‌ها دارای توجیه اخلاقی باشند، بهتر از هر روش دیگری می‌توانند افکار عمومی را همراه کنند. سیاستمداران و فرماندهان مکار می‌دانند که ایجاد حس برتری اخلاقی و ایستادن در سمت درست تاریخ، می‌تواند زیردستان را قادر به انجام هر کاری و پیروی از هر دستوری کند. کافی است فرد به این باور برسد که ارزش‌های گروه او ذاتاً و توسط عموم مردم در طول تاریخ ارزشمند بوده‌اند و/یا ارزش‌های گروه مقابل ابزاری و مختص همان گروه هستند. لیبرال‌ها از جمله گروه‌هایی هستند که بیشتر در خطر مفروض گرفتن پرهیزکاری خود هستند. حتی فلاسفۀ برجستۀ آنها همانند آیزایا برلین، که افکار کثرت‌گرایانۀ او به‌طور ویژه مورد مطالعة این مقاله است، به‌اشتباه عقیده دارند که ارزشی همچون آزادی هم عام است، هم ذاتی، بنابراین اگر گروهی این ارزش‌ها را در صدر هرم ارزش‌های خود قرار نداده است، غیرمتمدن است. این مقاله در چارچوب سنت فرااخلاق و با استفاده از استدلال استنتاجی، به بررسی صحت ادعاهایی می‌پردازد که به‌خصوص به ذاتی بودن برخی ارزش‌های لیبرال استناد می‌کنند. طبق تعریف دقیق‌تر جی ای مور از ارزش‌های ذاتی، نوع و درجۀ ارزشمندی ارزش‌ها در تمام شرایط باید یکسان باشد. این در حالی است که ارزشمندی برخی ارزش‌ها نظیر آزادی (چه آزادی مثبت و چه آزادی منفی) که توسط برلین و هم‌قطارانش ذاتی تلقی و دستمایه‌ای برای حملۀ کلامی و فیزیکی به غیرلیبرال‌ها می‌شود، همواره در نوسان است بسته به اینکه چه کسی برای انجام چه کاری بر روی چه کسی از آن استفاده می‌کند.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105057_763b3b182a0601c9466559c134d74952.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 From “Jahāngīrī” (Conquest) to “Jahāndārī” ( Governance): Foundations of the Establishment of Patrimonial Monarchy in Traditional Iran از جهانگیری به جهانداری: بنیادهای استقرار سلطنت پاتریمونیال در ایران سنتی 1085 1055 105064 10.22059/jpq.2025.391856.1008318 FA حجت کاظمی دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 03 10 Extended Abstract This article examines dominant approaches to analyzing state formation in pre-modern Iran, which typically fall into two frameworks influenced by modern social science: those emphasizing class struggle (the orthodox Marxist approach) and those centered on the management of scarce water resources (the theory of Oriental Despotism). The study begins by critiquing these established models. It then proposes an alternative perspective by synthesizing Ibn Khaldun's concept of tribal asabiyyah (social cohesion) with Max Weber's analysis of charismatic authority. According to this synthesized view, state formation in pre-modern Iran is understood as a process initiated by successful conquests led by a charismatic warrior at the head of a tribal coalition. The culmination of such a conquest was the establishment of a precarious and unstable state, fundamentally centered on the authority of its charismatic leader. A central aim of this article is to analyze the reasons, dimensions, and outcomes of the significant structural and functional transformations these states underwent in subsequent stages. To achieve this aim, the article addresses the following three questions: What factors necessitated the transition from a state based on charismatic-tribal authority to a more institutionalized form of government? What were the defining characteristics, core elements, and foundational pillars of the subsequent transformation in the state's structure and function? Ultimately, what specific type of state emerged in traditional Iran as a result of these historical transformations? The article's conclusions are derived from a critical engagement with Ibn Khaldun's concept of 'asabiyya and an application of Max Weber's analysis of the transition from charismatic to traditional authority. Ibn Khaldun, influenced by a certain nostalgia for tribal asabiyyah and its perceived primacy over urban civilization, interpreted the shift from a rudimentary tribal state to an institutionalized monarchy as a process of decline—a weakening of social cohesion leading inevitably to the state's collapse. Consequently, he did not seriously examine the underlying necessities driving this transformation. In contrast, Max Weber's analysis, while acknowledging the revolutionary power of charismatic movements, highlighted their inherent instability. He argued that such authority is fundamentally volatile and incompatible with the routine demands of daily life and economic stability. From a Weberian perspective, factors including the death of the charismatic leader, the impossibility of maintaining a permanent state of exception, the pressures of adapting to routine administration, and the elite's desire to secure their power and privileges collectively necessitate a transition from charismatic to traditional authority. The evolution of unstable conquest states into stable "patrimonial monarchies" in traditional Iran serves as a definitive illustration of this Weberian transition. Guided by this theoretical framework, the article demonstrates that the states established by tribal coalitions in Iran following the Turk-Mongol invasions were characterized by inherent instability. These political formations exhibited several destabilizing features: First, the stability of the entire coalition was critically dependent on the personal authority of the charismatic leader, whose death consistently placed the state at risk of immediate collapse. Second, the coalition itself was inherently fragile, undermined by the perpetual internecine conflicts endemic to tribal societies. Third, the allied tribes participated primarily for material gain and spoils; when these expectations were unmet, former allies could rapidly become enemies. Fourth, a core Turkic political belief held that governance and conquered territory belonged collectively to the entire ruling clan, a principle that structurally prevented the centralization of power. Fifth, the need to satisfy the material interests of the ruling clan and tribal leaders—often through the mechanism of the *iqta'* (land grant) system—resulted in the continuous fragmentation of both power and territory. Sixth, the very social structure of the tribes, while agile and effective for rapid conquest, was ill-suited for the complex administration of a large, sedentary population and territory. Finally, an economic model based on plunder, which tribal culture often valorized, was fundamentally incompatible with the requirements of a stable state economy reliant on sustained agriculture and long-distance commerce. Therefore, the article's findings indicate that the inherently unstable nature of the state established by charismatic leaders, combined with the imperatives of governing a vast territory, propelled the conquerors toward an inevitable transition in the state's structure and function. The core of the article addresses the second research question by identifying and explaining the seven pillars that constituted the quantitative and qualitative transformation of the state's structure and function. The first pillar was a fundamental transformation in the ideology and practice of the state, marked by the acceptance of a centralized monarchy model. Following the death of the founding charismatic leader, his ideology and governing practices coalesced into a new legitimizing tradition for his successors. However, this nascent tradition was contested; tribal chiefs and the leader's original companions invoked it to emphasize their own right to participate in determining the new ruler and to engage directly in governance, creating a persistent tension between centralizing authority and tribal power-sharing. On the other hand, members of the ruling family, adhering to the Turkic notion that governance was the collective property of the entire clan, insisted on the division of power among prominent relatives. In direct opposition to these centrifugal forces, the monarchs (sultan/shah), inspired by the pre-existing Iranian concept of absolute and divinely-sanctioned kingship, actively sought to concentrate all authority in their own person and establish a hereditary line of succession, typically through the eldest son. Iranian bureaucrats, exemplified by figures like Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, were the primary theorists and proponents of this centralizing interpretation. An element deeply intertwined with this monarchical tendency was the deliberate adoption of the sophisticated Iranian tradition of statecraft and administration, of which these very bureaucrats were the custodians and representatives. The second pillar involved the deliberate weakening of tribal military forces and the concurrent establishment of a slave army. While the tribes were the foundational pillar of the initial conquest state and thus viewed themselves as partners in governance, their loyalty to any single ruler was inherently unstable, with a constant risk of rebellion. To stabilize the state and secure the monarch's position, it became necessary to create a new, loyal military institution. This pivotal transition was achieved through the formation of a *ghulam* (slave soldier) army, which represented a major shift in the state's power base from autonomous tribal forces to a professional military beholden solely to the monarch. The third pillar was the revival and systematic utilization of pre-existing Iranian bureaucratic structures. The administration of vast conquered territories demanded a sophisticated knowledge of governance and established institutions that the tribal conquerors inherently lacked. Iran, however, possessed a deep-rooted tradition of statecraft, complete with complex institutions, administrative rules, and standardized procedures. The custodians of this system—the bureaucratic class—as they had done with previous conquerors, swiftly entered the service of the new Turkic rulers. They thereby became the essential executive arm for managing the empire's fiscal, administrative, and day-to-day affairs. The fourth pillar involved the critical organization of a formal fiscal system. Establishing a regular mechanism for state revenue and expenditure was essential to transition from a disorganized, plunder-based tribal economy to a sustainable state economy. This transformation was accomplished by reviving and adapting the sophisticated tax system inherited from the Sasanian era, and through the strategic innovation of the *iqta'* and *tiyul* systems, which allocated land revenues to finance the military and reward service. The fifth pillar entailed the systematic weakening of centrifugal forces. To create a cohesive state structure, it was necessary to overcome the dispersion of power and reduce the multiplicity of autonomous centers. This was achieved through a dual strategy combining coercive measures with negotiated settlements. The coercive approach involved the direct application of force to subjugate local rulers and integrate their territories under central authority. Conversely, the compromise approach resulted from bargaining, which led to a mutual recognition of authority between the central government and local powers. The sixth pillar involved the strategic integration of the state with the subjugated society. Although founded on conquest, the state's long-term continuity required two critical steps: first, developing a legitimizing mechanism to gain the acceptance of the governed population for the new political order; and second, expanding the state's inclusivity by establishing formal links with influential social forces. These forces included urban notables—such as the ulama (religious scholars), sheikhs, major merchants, and sayyids (descendants of the Prophet)—as well as tribal chiefs, local power brokers, and landowners. The seventh and final pillar consisted of symbolic measures designed to project authority and cultivate legitimacy. These actions included establishing a grand and prosperous capital city, founding a magnificent royal court, adhering to elaborate courtly traditions and ceremonies, creating enduring civilizational infrastructure, and acting as a patron of religion, science, and the arts. The successful realization of these seven elements led to the establishment of the "Iranian patrimonial monarchy." However, not all conquering groups achieved this transition equally. The Seljuks and Safavids were the most successful, establishing vast empires. The Ghilzai Afghans were the least successful, failing to consolidate their rule and collapsing rapidly. Other groups fall between these extremes. The scale and durability of the resulting states were a direct function of their success in implementing this transition. تأسیس دولت در ایران پیشامدرن از رهگذر فتوحات موفق یک ائتلاف ایلی صورت می‌گرفت که در رأس آن جنگاوری فرهمند قرار داشت. فرجام فرایند فتوحات ایلی تأسیس دولتی مستعجل و ناپایدار حول رهبر فرهمند بود. اما این دولت‌ها در مراحل بعدی دگرگونی‌های ساختاری و عملکردی مهمی را تجربه می‌کردند. هدف اصلی این تحقیق بررسی دلایل، ابعاد و نتایج این گذار تاریخی است. برای تحقق این هدف در پی پاسخگویی به سه پرسش هستیم: چه عواملی موجب ضرورت یافتن گذار از شکل اولیه دولت به سنخ نهادینه‌تر آن می‌شد؟ مختصات، عناصر و ارکان تحول در ساختار و عملکرد دولت شامل چه مواردی بوده است؟ نتیجۀ نهایی این تحولات استقرار چه گونه‌ای از دولت در ایران سنتی بوده است؟ یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که سرشت ناپایدار دولت تأسیس‌شده توسط جنگاوران فرهمند و الزامات ادارۀ سرزمینی بزرگ، فاتحان را به‌سوی گذاری سوق می‌داد که فراوردۀ آن تحولی کمی و کیفی در ساختار و عملکرد دولت بود. مقاله این تحول را به تأسی از مباحث ماکس وبر ذیل گذار از«سلطۀ فرهمندانه» به «سلطۀ سنتی» صورت‌بندی کرده است. ارکان این تحول شامل دگرگونی در اندیشۀ دولت و پذیرش الگوی پادشاهی متمرکز، تضعیف نظامیان ایلی و تأسیس سپاه غلامان، احیای ساختار دیوانسالاری ایرانی، سازماندهی نظام مالی، تضعیف نیروهای گریز از مرکز، پیوند یافتن با جامعه مغلوب و در نهایت مجموعه‌ای از اقدامات نمادین بوده است. تحقق موفقیت‌آمیز این فرایند به استقرار گونه سلطنت پاتریمونیال ایرانی منجر می‌شد. البته همۀ گروه‌های فاتح در تحقق چنین گذاری موفقیت یکسانی نداشتند و همین مسئله بر دوام و سرنوشت دولت‌های تأسیس‌ شده توسط آنان تأثیری کلیدی داشت.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105064_a947213fcfc31101fe073851f1161334.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 Strategic Analysis of Iran’s Geotransit Position in Light of Iraq's Corridor Initiative تحلیل راهبردی موقعیت ژئوترانزیتی ایران در پرتو ابتکار کریدوری عراق 1127 1087 105065 10.22059/jpq.2025.394993.1008357 FA عابد گل کرمی استادیار، جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدة ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه لرستان، لرستان، ایران. افشین متقی دستنایی استاد، جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدة علوم جغرافیایی، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران. جواد شاپوری دانش‌آموختۀ کارشناسی ارشد، جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدة علوم جغرافیایی، دانشگاه خوارزمی. تهران، ایران. شهریار فرجی نصیری استادیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکدة ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه لرستان، لرستان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 05 12 Extended abstract Owing to its unique geopolitical and geographical position, Iran has long been a central node in vital international corridors within the Middle East. This strategic advantage provides a foundation for enhancing national power, expanding economic influence, and forming strategic blocs with neighboring countries. If properly leveraged, Iran's geotransit capacity could become one of its most significant sources of non-oil revenue, crucially augmenting its geopolitical and geoeconomic weight. However, intensifying competition among regional states to establish dominant intercontinental transit routes places Iran at risk of marginalization and replacement. A prominent example of this competition is Iraq's Development Road project, which aims to create a high-capacity corridor connecting the Port of Faw in southern Iraq to Turkey and onward to Europe. Backed by countries like Turkey, the UAE, and Qatar, this initiative seeks to position Iraq as the primary transport route for goods between the Persian Gulf and Europe. In light of this challenge, the primary question of this study is: What are the impacts of the Iraqi Development Road project on Iran’s geotransit position, and how do these impacts manifest across economic, political, and security dimensions? Research Methodology This article employs an analytical-descriptive research approach and is classified as applied research in terms of its objective. Data and information have been collected through documentary sources, including written materials such as books, scholarly articles, official records, statistical yearbooks, management reports, and relevant databases. The analysis is based on a systematic review of these documentary materials. Findings and Discussion The Iraq Development Road project is structured in three phases designed to connect the Port of Faw to Turkey and Europe via modern highways and railways. This initiative aims not only to alleviate Iraq’s geographical isolation and reduce its dependency on the Persian Gulf but also to redefine Baghdad's role in the regional order by increasing its share of global trade and transit. The research findings indicate that this project impacts Iran’s geotransit position on several levels. First, at the infrastructural and commercial level, the Faw-Turkey route—with a capacity to transport tens of millions of tons of goods—directly competes with Iran’s North-South corridors, its connections to the Belt and Road Initiative, and its East-West routes. By attracting foreign investment and offering lower transportation times and costs, this new route risks marginalizing existing transit corridors through Iran, significantly reducing its transit trade volume. This risk is amplified by the participation of key regional players, which increases the likelihood that countries like China and Turkey may shift their logistics networks away from Iranian routes. Second, at the political and diplomatic level, the project's success would diminish Iran's influence in regional equations. This trend is indicated by the reduction of Iraq's dependency on Iranian infrastructure, Baghdad's strategic pivot towards Arab nations and Turkey, and the sidelining of joint initiatives such as the Shalamcheh-Basra railway line. Concurrently, Turkey aims to establish itself as the new regional hub for East-West and North-South transit, effectively bypassing Iran. Third, at the security and strategic level, an increased presence of third-party actors in Iraq—including Turkey and Gulf states, with potential indirect involvement from Western powers—raises significant concerns for the security of Iran's western borders. The expansion of Turkish influence in northern Iraq, the potential for heightened activity by Kurdish opposition groups, and threats arising from increased social unrest and illegal immigration are among the key risks this project poses to Iran. However, the findings suggest that Iran can mitigate some negative consequences and potentially leverage them into opportunities by adopting a proactive policy. Proposed strategies include strengthening domestic transit infrastructure, reviving stalled projects like the Shalamcheh-Basra railway, and pursuing conditional participation in certain regional initiatives. Conclusion The Iraq Development Road project represents a significant geopolitical transformation on Iran's western flank, with profound long-term implications for the Islamic Republic's geotransit standing. If fully realized, this initiative could not only challenge Iran's role in regional corridors but also transfer critical economic and security advantages to its competitors. Consequently, Iran's response is crucial. By adopting a proactive, realistic, and multifaceted strategy—one that strengthens domestic infrastructure, reforms economic diplomacy, and engages intelligently with regional and international actors—Iran can counteract these threats and solidify its influential role in the region's transit equations. Failure to do so, however, risks transit isolation, diminished regional influence, and a marked decline in its geopolitical weight. ایران به‌دلیل موقعیت جغرافیایی و ژئوپلیتیکی خود در مسیر کریدورهای بین‌المللی مهم قرار دارد که این موقعیت، مزیت ژئواکونومیکی شایان توجهی را برای کشور ایجاد کرده است. بهره‌برداری مؤثر از این ظرفیت نیازمند درک دقیق فضای کریدوری پیرامونی و توسعۀ زیرساخت‌های مرتبط است، زیرا رقبا و کشورهای منطقه‌ای با تقویت زیرساخت‌های ترانزیتی خود، تلاش می‌کنند با ربودن فرصت‌های کریدوری ایران، جایگاه کشور را بیش از پیش تضعیف کنند. پروژة جادة توسعۀ عراق و توسعۀ بندر بزرگ فاو به‌عنوان ابتکار کریدوری جدید، یک رقیب جدی برای ایران در مسیرهای ترانزیتی است که می‌تواند با اتصال به ترکیه و اروپا، ظرفیت ترانزیتی ایران را کاهش دهد. این پژوهش با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی به بررسی تأثیرات این پروژه بر موقعیت ژئوترانزیتی ایران پرداخته است. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که این پروژه می‌تواند با کاهش نقش ایران در کریدورهای بین‌المللی شمال-جنوب، افزایش نفوذ رقبا و تضعیف بنادر جنوبی، پیامدهای اقتصادی، سیاسی و امنیتی برای ایران داشته باشد. با وجود این، این پروژه فرصت‌هایی را برای همکاری‌های راهبردی، تکمیل مسیرها و تقویت تعاملات منطقه‌ای نیز فراهم می‌کند. در نهایت، راهبردها و سناریوهایی برای مواجهه با این چالش و حفظ جایگاه ترانزیتی ایران ارائه شده است تا کشور بتواند از مزایای ژئوپلیتیکی و ژئواکونومیکی خود به‌خوبی بهره‌مند شود.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105065_8b41053096d048e89e300023180733b3.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 Backgrounds and Capacities for the Dominance of Nationalism in Iran’s Future Perspective زمینه‌ها و ظرفیت‌های چیرگی ملی‌گرایی در چشم‌انداز آینده‌ی ایران 1164 1129 105062 10.22059/jpq.2025.390980.1008304 FA مجتبی مقصودی استاد گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران. اهورا راهبر استادیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد نیشابور، نیشابور، ایران. Journal Article 2025 02 23 Introduction Neo-nationalism claims to offer a more responsive and realistic solution to the impasses of today’s world. Currently, various forms of nationalism can be observed in countries such as the United States, France, the United Kingdom, Ukraine, Russia, China, Taiwan, Iraq, Syria, and Armenia. Therefore, in the era of globalization, the decline of nationalism and national sovereignty cannot be definitively declared. This article argues that the continuation of governance in Iran in its current state is facing severe impasses and crises, and according to some pro- Iran scholars, the country has no choice but to adopt an updated version of forward-looking, democratic, interactive, and conciliatory nationalism. The main research question is as follows: “Given the current situation, what are the most significant backgrounds and capacities for the growth and dominance of nationalist discourse in Iran’s future perspective?” In response, two levels of factors that facilitate the rise of nationalism in contemporary Iran are examined: a) one is in connection with the ideology and inefficiency of governance over the past four decades (the deadlocks and obstacles in governance that have facilitated the growth of nationalism in Iran in recent years), and b) the other is the capacities of neo-nationalism, in the form of representation of the Iranshahrian discourse. Finally, this study takes a critical look at the challenges and potential harms associated with the neo-nationalist current. The Research Method and Conceptual Framework This research employs a qualitative methodology, integrating a realist, future-oriented, and critical approach. It draws on the historical method to examine past events (Taheri, 2020: 133), using historical facts to identify and analyze the components that shape contemporary neo-nationalist discourse. The historical method also facilitates a deeper understanding of current conditions through the lens of past developments and transformations (Sanjabi, 2005: 464). Furthermore, by engaging with core themes within the conceptual framework of nationalism—such as nation, organized community, autonomy, and identity (Heywood, 2014: 276–294)—the study develops a localized analytical model tailored to Iran’s present context. With a critical lens, it also draws on modern governance and development theories, along with the lived experiences of developed societies, to assess the failures and inefficiencies of Iran’s ideological governance in recent decades. Data collection is based on library research, utilizing a range of scholarly sources. Results and discussion Nationalist discourse, drawing upon elements with deep historical and civilizational roots, positions itself as a viable and effective option for Iran's future—an option that has, in a sense, already been tested by history. The Iranshahri cultural framework contains intellectual and practical elements that, while originating in the pre-modern era, frequently align with modern global values and can be considered progressive. These elements include respect for human dignity and freedom, the recognition of women's rights, an emphasis on reason and rational governance, meritocracy, tolerance for diverse beliefs and lifestyles, a focus on justice, environmental consciousness, and a celebration of life and national grandeur. These principles have significantly enhanced the resonance and influence of nationalist discourse. In contrast, ideological religious governance, which established its hegemony nearly half a century ago on the basis of comprehensive promises for both this world and the spiritual realm, has had the opportunity to test its model. Its failure to fulfill its slogans and realize its envisioned ideal world has cast serious doubt on the effectiveness, practicality, and long-term viability of its ideological foundations and proponents. Conclusion Iranian nationalism possesses a dual nature. When managed constructively, it can foster social cohesion, bolster political independence, and improve governance. Conversely, if it veers toward authoritarianism or disregards citizens' rights, it can lead to repression, ethnic fragmentation, and instability. Consequently, the most viable model for Iran's future is a form of civic, democratic, and multicultural nationalism. This framework would integrate all ethnic and religious groups into a shared national identity, thereby strengthening internal unity while enabling positive international engagement based on coherent national policymaking. ملی‌گرایی در توسعۀ جهان مدرن، کارایی‌های زیادی از خود نشان داده است. با نظر به شکل‌گیری پویشی ناتمام قریب به دو سده در ایران برای توسعه و گذار از بحران‌های متعدد داخلی و خارجی، مقالۀ حاضر، ظرفیت‌ها و زمینه‌های ملی‌گرایی نوین به‌عنوان یکی از گفتمان‌های قابل تأمل موجود را به‌سبب امکان رشد و چیرگی در مسیر آیندۀ پیش‌روی این کشور، مورد توجه قرار داده است. مقاله، روشی کیفی، نگرشی رئالیستی و آینده‌نگرانه و رویکردی انتقادی دارد، و با بهره‌گیری از برخی مؤلفه‌های روش تاریخی و مضامین اصلی در چارچوب مفهومی ملی‌گرایی، در پی پاسخگویی به این پرسش کلیدی است که «با توجه به وضعیت کنونی، مهم‌ترین زمینه‌ها، ظرفیت‌ها و امکانات برای رشد و چیرگی گفتمان ملی‌گرایی در چشم‌انداز آیندۀ پیشِ‌روی ایران کدام‌اند؟». بر اساس فکت‌های تاریخی، سیاسی و اجتماعی، نتایج و تحلیل نهایی این است که دو سطح از عوامل، در کنار هم، می‌توانند زمینه‌ساز اقبال نسبت به ملی‌گرایی شوند؛ یکی، بن‌بست و بحران ایدئولوژیک و شیوۀ حکمرانی طی چند دهۀ اخیر در ایران (شامل بحران‌های نظرورزی و آوانگاردی؛ کارامدی؛ بی‌اعتنایی، مسئولیت‌ناپذیری و عدم شفافیت و پاسخگویی؛ چپ‌گرایی و چپ‌گرایان ایرانی) و دیگری، ظرفیت‌های ملی‌گرایی نوین در قالب بازنمایی گفتمان ایرانشهری (شامل نوستالژی پیشینۀ افتخارآمیز تاریخی- تمدنی؛ حمایت از سبک زندگی نسل جوان؛ اعتنا به جایگاه و حقوق زنان و اقلیت‌ها؛ نمادسازی هنری و رسانه‌ای با بهره‌گیری از فناوری‌های نوین؛ تکیه بر فرهنگ زیست شادمانه و عناصر پیشرو فرهنگ ایرانی). همچنین با نگاه انتقادی و ذکر شرایطی، نویسندگان مقاله، ملی‌گرایی نوین را به‌عنوان آلترناتیوی شایان توجه برای آیندۀ ایران مطرح کرده‌اند.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105062_2ef7e66b0af4b61e80fdeda8011df5a7.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 55 4 2025 12 22 Port Powers: Geopolitical Governance of China and India in Infrastructural and Imaginary Geographies of the Indian Ocean قدرت‌های بندری: حکمروایی ژئوپلیتیکی چین و هند در جغرافیاهای زیرساختی و تخیلی اقیانوس هند 1195 1165 105059 10.22059/jpq.2025.388268.1008273 FA حسن نورعلی دانشجوی دکترای، گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدۀ جغرافیا، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. سیدعباس احمدی دانشیار، گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدۀ جغرافیا، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. کیومرث یزدان پناه دانشیار، گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدۀ جغرافیا، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران زهرا پیشگاهی فرد استاد، گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدۀ جغرافیا، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. محمدرضا حافظ‌نیا استاد، گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 03 21 Introduction The competition for dominance over maritime routes and land connectivity pits strategic national frameworks—or "geopolinomic codes"—against one another. This rivalry emphasizes the construction, development, governance, and hegemony of strategic port spaces worldwide. Such competition justifies the expansion of transboundary infrastructure projects and the development of regional and global spheres of influence, often articulated through geopolitical narratives. These geopolinomic codes intertwine a nation's foreign policy orientations with the goal of regulating global economic connectivity networks, merging them with perceived notions of power and position. Consequently, major powers treat these connectivity codes as fundamental to the global economy's functioning, using them to spatialize their imagined geopolitical mappings. Within the new global power structure—a structure based on connectivity and port dominance, and perpetually influenced by hegemonic politics—the dynamic role of transport thus assumes a distinctly geopolinomic character. Methodology This research seeks to break away from the methodological dichotomies prevalent in geopolitical literature. Consequently, we propose an approach based on "geopolinomic codes," which we view as a process that is simultaneously material/territorial and discursive/representational. It is material because port strategy functions as a territorial tool for political, military, and economic actions in competitions for power and position. It is discursive because the distinct geopolinomic codes adopted by China and India in the global port power game—propagated through their political and social forces—generate discursive actions that shape geopolitical perceptions. China's port power is actively setting geopolinomic codes on a global scale, building, investing in, and developing seaports to achieve port hegemony. For India, the application of geopolinomics has a more regional dimension, becoming pervasive in its foreign investment strategy within the Indian Ocean. Thus, the competing port governance practices of these two countries not only physically alter spaces but also produce symbolic messages, contrasting geographical metaphors and making their physical positions on ports tangibly evident. Results and discussion orts are integral to geopolinomic logic due to their territorial potential in political, strategic, and economic power competitions, which can elevate a country to a port power at regional or global levels. As territorial nodes for commanding global trade networks at strategic points, ports function as essential geopolinomic assets that enhance national power, security, and economic development. The status of ports as geopolitical assets for a maritime nation can be understood through several key components: their potential to stimulate industrial development; their role as geographical gateways through which countries enter the arena of maritime and global power competition; their capacity to strengthen the maritime geopolitical capabilities of the coastal state; and their function as a primary conduit to the global economy. Furthermore, this status is reinforced by the desire of regional and global powers to make long-term investments in port infrastructure, the role of ports in ensuring business security and meeting geo-energy needs, their position as intersections for transportation corridors, and their ability to justify geopolinomic codes to other actors through territorial imaginations and geopolitical representations. Conclusion Today, ports have evolved beyond their traditional role as conduits of trade to become critical infrastructure for economic power within the new global geopolitical system. Consequently, the acquisition and control of ports has become a fundamental component of national power. A combined perspective on the global distribution of power reveals that the geopolitical and geopolinomic significance of ports can shift the cycle of world power at all scales in favor of a "port hegemon." However, this hegemony can be challenged discursively when competing powers frame ports as threatening resources capable of altering the world order. Among the various instruments of economic governance, investment in offshore ports is a crucial geopolinomic code for establishing hegemony in strategic coastal areas. China stands as the primary port hegemon, with foreign investments in more than 100 ports worldwide. On a regional scale, India has sought to challenge China's dominance by developing its own network of invested ports throughout the Indian Ocean, creating a significant geopolinomic counterweight. در این مقاله، رقابت چین و هند برای حکمروایی ژئوپلیتیکی در فضاهای سرزمینی اقیانوس هند را با استفاده از منطق ژئوپلی‌نومیک (جغرافیا، سیاست و اقتصاد) به‌عنوان لنزی از فرایندهای مادی و گفتمانی بررسی می‌کنیم و رویکردی ژئوساختاری ارائه می‌دهیم که پلی روش‌شناختی میان جغرافیاهای کلاسیک و انتقادی است. این رویکرد با تمرکز همزمان بر جهان فیزیکی/مادی (به‌عنوان زیرساخت) و کدهای تنظیمی/تصوری (به‌عنوان گفتمان) پیش می‌رود. در این تحلیل، بر کدهای ژئوپلی‌نومیک تمرکز می‌کنیم که موقعیت تصوری یک کشور در جهان را با بینشی از مفصل‌بندی مادی فضا ترکیب می‌کند تا نقشه‌بندی موقعیت و قدرت را با اقتصاد سیاسی سرزمینی همسو کند. در بحث تجربی ما، این یک فرایند مادی است، زیرا سیاست بندرپایه، یک ابزار سرزمینی برای اقدامات نظامی و اقتصادی در رقابت‌های قدرت و موقعیت در جهت شکل‌دهی و تنظیم کدهای ژئوپلی‌نومیک محسوب می‌شود. همچنین این یک فرایند گفتمانی است که تولید تصاویر را برای توجیه کدهای ژئوپلی‌نومیک در فرایندهای شمول و جذب بسیج می‌کند. این یک درک ژئوپلیتیکی و ژئوپلی‌نومیک از فضا به‌عنوان مقوله‌های خیالی و واقعی در ساخت رویکرد ژئوپلیتیک ساختارگرایانه ارائه می‌دهد. از طریق مطالعة موردی رقابت بندری بین چین و هند، به‌طور گسترده‌تری نشان می‌دهیم که شیوه‌های حکمرانی بندری پیام‌های نمادینی ایجاد می‌کنند، درحالی‌که از نظر فیزیکی فضا را تغییر می‌دهند. کد ژئوپلی‌نومیک چین ساخت و توسعة زنجیره‌ای از بنادر خارجی و کریدورهای بین‌المللی برای تغییرات در نظام حکمرانی جهانی است. کد ژئوپلی‌نومیک هند نیز مهار قدرت بندری چین در اقیانوس هند از طریق سرمایه‌گذاری‌های خارجی در بنادر و حمل‌ونقل دریایی است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_105059_9f94150c1141d24dc12808d5d8d92fd5.pdf