دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 The Evolution of the Concept of Peace from the Perspective of Constructivism: From Negative Peace to Sustainable Peace دگرگونی مفهوم صلح در پرتو سازه‌انگاری: گذار از صلح منفی به صلح پایدار 28 1 106475 10.22059/jpq.2026.396028.1008370 FA زهرا احمدی دانشجوی دکترای گروه روابط بین‌الملل، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. محمد رضا دهشیری استاد گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده روابط بین الملل وزارت امور خارجه، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 05 26 Objective This study critically explores and expands the concept of peace, challenging its traditional reductionist interpretations in international relations. It focuses specifically on the transition from negative peace—the mere absence of violence—to a more holistic understanding of sustainable peace. Using constructivist theory, the study develops a comprehensive theoretical framework that views peace as a dynamic and multifaceted process. This framework emphasizes the integration of global norms with local capacities while exploring the central role of collective identity formation and social constructs in shaping peacebuilding. Introduction In international relations, the predominant conceptualization of peace has frequently been reduced to the mere absence of violence, commonly referred to as negative peace. This perspective, however, is overly simplistic, failing to address the profound structural roots of conflict, such as inequality, injustice, and deficiencies within democratic institutions. Employing constructivist theory, this paper critiques and expands this limited understanding by introducing the notion of hybrid peace. This paradigm transcends the limitations of both negative and positive peace, emphasizing the integration of global norms—such as democracy and human rights—with local cultural capacities to achieve sustainable peace, which is understood as an ongoing and dynamic process. Methodology This research employs a qualitative and analytical approach, combining a review of theoretical literature with case studies and document analysis. It examines pivotal events such as the Iran-Iraq War and the collapse of apartheid in South Africa to illustrate the complex transition from negative to positive peace. The study also analyzes international policies and UN peacekeeping efforts, highlighting their role in shaping and sustaining peacebuilding processes. By integrating these case studies and documents through a constructivist lens, the research provides insights into the multifaceted nature of peace. Results and Discussion The study's findings indicate that sustainable peace is not a static achievement, but a dynamic and evolving process. Negative peace, which halts direct violence, often fails to address underlying causes of conflict, such as structural inequality and social injustice. This is illustrated through case studies examining the Iran-Iraq War and the collapse of apartheid in South Africa. For example, the cessation of hostilities in the Iran-Iraq War marked negative peace, yet unresolved territorial disputes and national identity issues demanded more than an end to violence. Similarly, the collapse of apartheid in South Africa brought negative peace, but persistent racial and economic inequalities necessitated a shift to positive peace. This transition requires establishing positive peace, which fosters social justice, equality, and democratic governance. However, positive peace remains insufficient if it does not adapt to evolving societal needs. In post-apartheid South Africa, for example, ongoing racial and economic disparities hindered sustainable peace despite democratic governance. Transitioning to positive peace required reconciliation efforts, the promotion of justice, and a direct address of apartheid’s legacies ingrained within social and economic structures. This research emphasizes that sustainable peace constitutes an ongoing process, requiring continuous efforts to improve social structures, promote inclusive governance, and uphold justice. Crucially, sustainable peace cannot be achieved in isolation or through external imposition. It demands active participation from local communities, alongside dialogue, education, and the development of shared norms and values to foster cooperation and mutual understanding. This principle is exemplified in the contexts of the Iran-Iraq War and apartheid South Africa, where peacebuilding was more effective when local engagement and cultural understanding were prioritized. The hybrid peace model presented in this study integrates global principles with local traditions, offering a more effective framework for post-conflict peacebuilding. By combining international practices, such as democracy promotion and human rights advocacy, with local governance structures and cultural norms, it fosters legitimacy, ownership, and resilience. This ensures peace develops in a way that aligns with local needs and values. This research addresses a significant gap in peace studies by synthesizing negative and positive peace along a continuum. It proposes the hybrid peace model as an intermediary between top-down international interventions and bottom-up local practices. Its originality lies in emphasizing shared norms and collective identity as fundamental components of sustainable peace, thereby presenting a novel constructivist framework not extensively examined in previous studies. Conclusion This research challenges traditional peacebuilding paradigms by offering a nuanced and dynamic understanding of peace, one that transcends the binary of negative and positive peace. The presented hybrid peace model advocates for an inclusive approach that integrates global norms with local capacities, emphasizing the importance of local participation. The study concludes that sustainable peace is not a fixed endpoint, but an ongoing, transformative process requiring continuous engagement, adaptation, and the active participation of both local communities and international actors. با وجود توجه به مفهوم صلح در روابط بین‌الملل، نگاه تقلیل‌گرایانه به صلح به‌عنوان «فقدان خشونت» مانعی در درک پویای این پدیده است. این مقاله با اتکا به نظریه سازه‌انگاری و معرفی رویکرد «صلح ترکیبی»، چارچوبی برای حرکت به فراسوی مفاهیم صلح منفی و مثبت و بررسی صلح پایدار ارائه می‌دهد. پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد کیفی و تحلیلی، متون نظری و مطالعات موردی همچون پایان جنگ ایران و عراق و فروپاشی رژیم آپارتاید در آفریقای جنوبی را بررسی و سیاست‌های بین‌المللی و ابتکارات سازمان ملل را نیز در زمینه حفظ صلح تحلیل کرده است. این پژوهش با توجه به خلا پژوهشی در تحلیل جامع ابعاد فرهنگی، اجتماعی و هویتی صلح و نیاز به رویکردهای ترکیبی در تحقیقات صلح، اهمیت ویژه‌ای دارد. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که تحقق صلح پایدار مستلزم گذار از صلح منفی (صرفاً غیاب خشونت) به صلح مثبت (تأمین عدالت اجتماعی و نهادهای دموکراتیک) و در نهایت تثبیت شرایطی است که در آن ساختارهای عادلانه، هنجارهای مشترک، و مشارکت جوامع محلی به‌طور پایدار درهم تنیده شده‌اند. در این میان، صلح ترکیبی با پیوند دادن ارزش‌های جهانی دموکراسی و نهادسازی با ظرفیت‌های بومی، مدلی کارآمدتر برای ایجاد صلح ارائه می‌کند. در واقع، صلح پایدار فرآیندی مستمر و بازتولیدشونده است که تنها از طریق گفت‌وگو، آموزش و مشارکت فعال جوامع محلی قابل دستیابی است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106475_3688fc6bff5003641c5f4daf7edd0f20.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 Examining the Impact of Emerging Technologies on the Transformation of the Concept of State فناوری‌های نوین و تحول دولت 56 29 106476 10.22059/jpq.2026.388566.1008275 FA محمدرضا امیرزاده فارغالتحصیلی دکتری علوم سیاسی، مطالعات سیاسی انقلاب اسلامی، دانشگاه شاهد، تهران، ایران. شهره پیرانی دانشیار، گروه آموزشی علوم سیاسی و مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی، دانشگاه شاهد، تهران، ایران. کیومرث اشتریان دانشیار، گروه سیاست گذاری، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. 0000-0003-2739-1104 Journal Article 2025 01 26 Introduction Today, science and technology have become the most powerful and enduring agents of social change and transformation in international affairs (Skolinloff, 2002). Emerging technologies can reinvent various economic, social, and political spheres, while also creating significant gaps across different sectors of government (UNDP, 2021). Science and technology are relatively new players on the world stage, and as Arthur Clarke—the person who first suggested the possibility of satellite communications—observed, for most inhabitants of the planet, advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic (Bromley, 2002). It is also worth noting that advances in technology have repeatedly played an important and influential role in global change. However, the model of influence in the Fourth Industrial Revolution will differ from that of the past. The impact of technology on areas related to government is a topic that appears intermittently in the works of many thinkers in this field. Although technology is not extensively addressed in earlier works, its role and impact have been acknowledged in terms of both quantity and quality. By examining scholarly views, it can be claimed that the role and influence of technology—regardless of its degree—is referenced across various thinkers, including commentators from the three main paradigms of international relations: realism, liberalism, and constructivism (Eriksson, 2021). It is also worth mentioning that, over time, as we move from the past to the present, the emphasis on technology as an influential force on the concept of the state has increased. Different scholars, each from their own perspective, have examined the influence of technology on the concept of the state. Current security systems are being challenged; digital and algorithmic systems are being created; data warfare is emerging; state knowledge is increasing; the tools at the disposal of governments are being empowered; and international regimes and norms are being shaped by a new, platform-based order. Other noted effects include the quantitative and qualitative enhancement of both hard and soft power of governments, the changing form and image of traditional warfare, the reduction of traditional state authority, shifts in models of governance and in the tools of state supervision and control, and the growing role of non-state actors and technology giants. In the following article, the main question is: What is the impact of new technologies on the concept and specific functions of the state? Methodology This research is fundamental in nature and adopts a descriptive-analytical approach. It analyzes the relationship between emerging technologies and the state by examining library resources and applying established scientific research methods. Results and discussion The subject of new technologies is categorized under the concept of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (UNDP, 2021). A key distinction exists between the technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and those of previous industrial revolutions (Schwab, 2017). While the first three revolutions transformed human life, they preserved the traditional foundations of the "state" and the conventional principles governing nation-state relations. In contrast, the Fourth Industrial Revolution is disrupting the traditional principles, rules, and assumptions that have governed nation-states since the Treaty of Westphalia. This treaty, which ended the Thirty Years' War in Europe, established political units separated as nation-states defined by four characteristics: sovereignty, government, territory, and population. An examination of previous industrial waves reveals that their changes not only preserved but also constituted the nature of these four pillars. New technologies, however, are now challenging the very nature of these components. As a result, the future relationships and dynamics among these pillars will differ from the past, meaning new technologies will significantly affect core concepts and functions such as “power”, “threat”, “security,” and “relations between states” (Ferguson, 1999). It is also important to note that new technologies have altered the concept, nature, and sources of power, while simultaneously emerging as a distinct source of power in themselves (McCarthy, 2015). Accordingly, it seems new technologies will surpass and overcome old structures. There is a certain irony that Europe, the birthplace of the modern nation-state, is now a proponent and pioneer of new forms of political formation (Ferguson, 1999, p. 24). Finally, it is critical to recognize that the impact of new technologies on governments will be reciprocal and two-way in nature (Drezner, 2019). Considering the materials and discussions presented, as well as the frequent references to political science perspectives and thinkers and the exploration of contemporary governance, it is clear that the concept of the state and its specific functions are being transformed by the Fourth Industrial Revolution. In the future, we will confront a different formulation of the elements of power and the pillars of the nation-state compared to the traditional theory grounded in the Treaty of Westphalia. The four elements of the nation-state in the Westphalian concept—government, sovereignty, territory, and population—are on the verge of substantial change. Influenced by this transformation, the specific functions of the state are also evolving. Components such as providing security, countering threats, the nature of power, and the manner of interaction between political units in the international system will all undergo significant changes. This shift necessitates a fundamental rethinking and remodeling of established frameworks. Conclusion Considering the materials and discussions presented, as well as the frequent references to political science perspectives and an exploration of contemporary governance, it is clear that the concept of the state and its specific functions are being transformed by the Fourth Industrial Revolution. In the future, we will confront a different formulation of the elements of power and the pillars of the nation-state compared to the traditional theory grounded in the Treaty of Westphalia. The four elements of the nation-state in the Westphalian concept—government, sovereignty, territory, and population—are on the verge of substantial change. Influenced by this transformation, the specific functions of the state are also evolving. Components such as providing security, countering threats, the nature of power, and the manner of interaction between political units in the international system will all undergo significant changes. This shift necessitates a fundamental rethinking and remodeling of established frameworks. Accordingly, the state is leaving its exclusive sphere of authority and will share this exceptionality with other actors. Some of the state’s specific functions will be outsourced to the private sector, and the government’s role will shift from a direct executor to an employer, rule-maker, and supervisor. The actions of SpaceX in expanding satellite internet and the proliferation of cryptocurrencies serve as clear examples of this trend. On the other hand, the model of governance itself will evolve due to heightened public awareness influenced by information technology. Also, public acceptance of and loyalty to government will be redefined. Furthermore, power will increasingly assume a non-territorial character, and the importance and influence of territory will change under the pressures of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Technological capabilities are now able to compensate for geographical limitations. This is demonstrated in several areas: the creation of strategic depth through technology rather than land, the potential for extraterritorial cultivation enabled by advanced technology, and the growing dominance of knowledge-based economies over traditional agricultural production, among other shifts. یکی از پدیدههای اثرگذار که در سالهای اخیر ظهور و بروز پیدا کرده فناوریهای نوین است که در چهارچوب انقلاب صنعتی چهارم بازتعریف می‌شود. به‌باور متخصصان، این مؤلفه مانند انقلاب‌های صنعتی پیشین قابلیت دارد که کلیت زیست بشر اعم از سیاست، فرهنگ و اقتصاد را درآینده دچار دگردیسی کند؛ در مقاله پیش‌رو پرسش اصلی چگونگی تأثیر فناوریهای نوین بر دولت است. این پژوهش از نوع بنیادی و دارای رویکرد توصیفی- تحلیلی است که از طریق بررسی داده‌های کتابخانه‌ای به تحلیل رابطه فناوری‌های نوین با مفهوم دولت می‌پردازد. برمبنای یافتههای تحقیق، ارکان دولت-ملت متأثر از فناوریهای نوین رو به تغییر بوده و طبیعتاً کارویژه دولتها نیز متفاوت خواهد شد. عناصر چهارگانه دولت-ملت در مفهوم وستفالیایی یعنی حکومت، حاکمیت، سرزمین و جمعیت در شرف تحول قرارگرفته است. براین اساس عناصر قدرت، امنیت، مؤلفههای تهدید و نحوه تعامل بین دولتها نیز تغییر خواهد کرد و نیاز به بازاندیشی و مدل‌سازی مجدد دارد. تغییر مدل حکمرانی، تغییر کارویژه دولت از مجری به کارفرما یا قاعدهگذار، ورود بخش خصوصی به حوزههای انحصاری دولت و تغییر ابزارهای اجبار دولت نمونههایی از مصادیق این تغییر محسوب می‌شود که در این مقاله مورد تأمل قرار خواهد گرفت.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106476_cec9a10ae53a175e7effdb9cb3acc33c.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 Explaining the Nation-Building Process in Iran Based on the Role of Architecture, Language, and Military Music تبیین فرایند ملّت سازی در ایران مبتنی بر نقش معماری، زبان ارتباطی و آیین نظامی 86 57 106517 10.22059/jpq.2026.395577.1008364 FA علی ایمانی دانشیار سیاستگذاری، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه فرماندهی و ستاد ارتش، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 05 27 Introduction Political integration and national unification are two sides of the nation-building coin. To achieve these goals, citizens and the government must transcend ethnic distinctions and establish mutual political relations. In this way, ethnic majorities and minorities are incorporated into the overall configuration of power and become integrated with one another. When citizens and the government establish relationships based on authority and support, an inclusive national community is formed, and nation-building can be said to have borne fruit. According to this research, nation-building in contemporary Iran rests on three variables: the architecture of military buildings, epic music, and the language of military communication. The current study explores the relationship between these three variables and the formation of nation-building in Iran. The subject of this scientific inquiry is nation-building in the modern sense, which is being analyzed here. The research hypothesis is as follows: "the architecture of military buildings, military communication language, and epic music have contributed to the nation-building process in Iran by producing inclusive and socially convergent values and meanings." The theoretical framework of the research is drawn from Karl Deutsch's theory of national integration, emphasizing the development of cultural integration and the consolidation of social communication. The research method is explanatory and causal in nature, illustrating how the production of meaning and the emergence of a nationalist spirit are shaped by these three factors. The method of collecting materials is library-based. The innovation of this research lies in its exploration of the important process of nation-building in Iran by focusing on the institution of the modern army and variables such as the architecture of military buildings and barracks, the language of military communication, and epic music and its associated rituals. Methodology This research aims to explain how the nation-building process has unfolded in Iran since 1925. The researcher studies the impact of three variables—"architecture of military buildings," "military communication language," and "epic music," along with associated rituals—on this process. The research adopts Max Weber’s post-empirical approach. According to this perspective, any knowledge that seeks to explain the causal relationships between socio-cultural phenomena is inherently valuable. Thus, claims of discovery without assuming causal relationships are considered illogical and impossible. Causality, in this view, represents a value-laden relationship, meaning causal attribution stems from the researcher’s theoretical orientation and is independent of the subject itself. For Weber, a high correlation between two variables alone is insufficient to prove a causal link; rather, it is necessary to demonstrate that the relationship is meaningful. According to this research, the architecture of military buildings, military communication language, and epic music—along with the rituals of military units—have influenced the audience's mental perception of diverse ethnicities, dialects, and social groups across the country, thereby producing the meaning of the nation in its modern sense. The integration of ethnic cultures and the consolidation of social connections are explained in this study using an interpretive method as outcomes of the converging effects of two variables: the architecture of military buildings and the epic music of the army. Result and discussion A nation is formed within the context of a place called the homeland. Throughout Iranian history, military garrisons have played an important role in establishing authority over territorial geography through multiple political, military, and economic functions. Indeed, place—the homeland—is a fundamental component of nation-building. Nations cultivate an identity that aligns with the climate and geography of their homeland. Within this geographic sphere, the people engage in the construction and architecture of buildings. The rulers of society attach great importance to the architecture of military sites, including the towers and ramparts of their garrisons. Military architecture influences the production and projection of power into the social environment; it shapes the emotional, physical, and lived experience of citizens. A military garrison functions as a living organism, understood within a network of relationships with other places, human activities, and cultural sites. In this way, military architecture unconsciously serves as a reference for the formation of national identity. The combination of the three components—“rituals, music, and place”—constitutes one of the significant sources of the nation-building process in Iran. It appears that epic military rituals and music draw upon the culture of sacrifice rooted in Ashura and the epic poetry of the Shahnameh. These rituals play an important role in redefining the concept of homeland through the mythological values of both ancient and Islamic Iran. Military communication language is a crucial factor in Iranian nationalization. Military culture, in all its dimensions, cannot be produced or transmitted to future generations without a specific language of communication. The linguistic meanings embedded within military discourse carry the national worldview and culture, as well as the organizational culture, and also convey the historical and epic experiences of the institution. Due to its distinct capabilities and structure, the language of military communication equips its speakers with the ability to understand, classify, recognize, and interpret the national environment. Conclusion Nation-building in Iran, as an unfinished process whose development and formulation is essential to the public good and national interests must remain a central concern of the government. In this regard, a crucial dimension of nation-building is reliance on institutions. The institution of the army, as this research has explained, has played a unique role in Iran's nation-building process. Therefore, the following institutional and executive proposals are offered for the army organization in line with advancing this process: The government should preserve and reconstruct the architecture of military buildings within Iranian cities as a form of national cultural heritage and as an active element of nation-building within urban spaces. Nation-building and nationally unifying values and norms should be intentionally integrated into the language of military communication. In this regard, the phrase "Javid Iran" ("Long Live Iran") should be adopted as a communicative element among personnel and incorporated as part of the military salute in rituals, ceremonies, and formal communications. این پژوهش به تبیین فرایند ملّتسازی در ایران مبتنی بر نقش معماری ابنیه نظامی، زبان ارتباطی و همچنین آیین نظامی (هنر موسیقی نظامی و تشریفات خاص و حماسی) میپردازد. رهیافت پسااثباتی با رویکرد تبیین تفهمی روش پژوهش میباشد. هدف تحقیق تبیین چگونگی فرایند ملّت سازی در ایران با برجسته نمودن نقش معماری ابنیه، زبان و آیین نظامی (موزیک نظامی همراه با تشریفات) در این فرایند میباشد. یکپارچگی سازمانی و یکپارچگی فرهنگ ملّی متاثر از سه متغیر معماری ابنیه پادگانهای نظامی، زبان و همچنین موزیک نظامی، فرضیه مورد نظر پژوهش است. روش گردآوری مطالب مبتنی بر مصاحبه و مطالعات کتابخانهای است. نوآوری مهم تحقیق پردازش مفهوم ملّتسازی ایرانی مبتنی بر نقشآفرینی این سه متغیر مهم از طریق تاثیر بر جامعهپذیری سربازان در پادگانهای نظامی است. نقطه تقاطع این سه متغیر مهم ایجاد روح و غرور حماسی است که ضرورت فرایند ملّتسازی در تحولات اجتماعی در ایران است. یافته مهم پژوهش ایضاح روند تحولی ملتسازی متکی بر متغیرهای معماری و هنر و ارتباطات زبانی در سازمان ارتش است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106517_00512abc44478853ff14055b3d220384.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 Comparative Study of Jihadist New-Salafism in Sunni Islam and Shi‘i New-Salafism (with Emphasis on al-Qaeda, ISIS, and the Tafkik School) مطالعه تطبیقی نوسلفی‌گری جهادی در اهل سنت و نوسلفی‌گری شیعی(با تأکید برالقاعده، داعش و مکتب تفکیک) 114 87 106477 10.22059/jpq.2026.394187.1008356 FA عارف برخورداری استادیار گروه اندیشه سیاسی، دانشکده معارف و اندیشه اسلامی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. مهدی زارعی دانشآموخته کارشناسی ارشد اندیشه سیاسی، دانشکده معارف و اندیشه اسلامی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 05 30 Introduction In recent decades, the Islamic world has witnessed the emergence of intellectual and political movements that fall under the broad category of New-Salafism. These movements, marked by radical approaches to scriptural interpretation and a revivalist turn toward early Islamic models, have produced unprecedented challenges both within Muslim societies—manifesting in sectarian fragmentation and violence—and on the global stage through Islamophobia and regional instability. Their shared methodological foundation lies in an epistemology rooted in extreme textualism and the rejection of rationalist hermeneutics. Within Sunni Islam, New-Salafism has primarily taken jihadist forms, most notably represented by al-Qaeda and ISIS. With their emphasis on armed jihad and rigid interpretations of religious doctrine, these groups have become among the most pressing ideological and security concerns of the contemporary era. In Shi‘ism, because of its distinct theological and jurisprudential foundations—particularly the doctrine of eschatological expectation—the evolution of classical Salafism in its Sunni form is structurally implausible. Nonetheless, certain Shi‘i intellectual currents, due to their textualist and literalist tendencies, have been interpreted as approximating a form of Shi‘i New-Salafism. Among these, the Tafkik School—especially in the writings of Muhammad-Reza Hakimi—advocates for a strict separation between the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt (‘a) and philosophical or mystical traditions, embraces a type of hadith-centrism, and reflects influences from Shi‘i fundamentalist movements such as Fadā’iyān-e Islam. The New-Salafi dimension of this school lies not in political or military activism but in its epistemological orientation: an unwavering commitment to primary texts, coupled with a rejection of philosophical and rational methods of religious understanding. Despite the differences in its social and political expression, this orientation renders the Tafkik School intellectually comparable to Sunni New-Salafism. The present study therefore aims to identify and comparatively analyze the components of jihadist New-Salafism within Sunni Islam (al-Qaeda and ISIS) and Shi‘i New-Salafism (the Tafkik School). It addresses the central question: What are the New-Salafi perspectives in Shi‘ism (the Tafkik School) and Sunnism (al-Qaeda and ISIS), and what similarities and differences emerge across the selected analytical axes? Literature Review Jihadist New-Salafism in Sunni Islam has attracted significant scholarly attention. Mehdi Farmanian’s The Dream of the Caliphate provides a comprehensive examination of Salafi movements—including al-Qaeda and ISIS—and analyzes their doctrinal foundations and takfiri worldview (Farmanyan, 2023). Similarly, Mohammad-Reza Ageshteh’s article, “Explaining the Foundations of Takfir Thought in Takfiri Movements,” investigates takfir as an ideological pillar and examines its political and theological implications (Ageshteh, 2017). Mohammad Qaneei and colleagues, in “A Comparative Study of the Concept of Jihad in Salafism and New-Salafism and Its Impact on Middle Eastern Political Developments,” explore transformations in the concept of jihad and their geopolitical consequences (Qaneei et al., 2020). Reza Ekhtiari Amiri and co-authors also compare al-Qaeda and ISIS in “A Comparative Study of the Terrorist Groups al-Qaeda and ISIS” (Ekhtiari et al., 2020). Further contributions include the work of Seyyed Asghar Keyvan Hosseini and Tayebeh Mohammadi-Kia, whose article “The Concept of the State in ISIS Discourse” analyzes ISIS’s proposed alternative to the modern state and its efforts to re-establish a caliphal order (Keyvan Hosseini & Mohammadi Kia, 2017). Additionally, Mohammad Sasani’s article on the conceptual transformation of the ummah in jihadist and New-Takfiri Salafism addresses the regional implications of these conceptual shifts (Sasani, 2017). Together, these works deepen our understanding of the ideological and operational features of Sunni New-Salafism. In contrast, comparative studies examining New-Salafism across Sunni and Shi‘i traditions are relatively scarce. Concerning the Tafkik School and Hakimi’s intellectual legacy, Kiwan Soleimani and colleagues analyze “The Epistemological Foundations and Social Contexts of Muhammad-Reza Hakimi’s Theory of Justice” (Soleimani et al., 2022), while Abdollah Nazarzadeh Oghaz discusses the political aspects of Hakimi’s thought (Nazarzadeh, 2021). Despite these contributions, there remains no comprehensive comparative analysis that simultaNewusly examines Sunni jihadist New-Salafism (al-Qaeda and ISIS) alongside Shi‘i New-Salafism (the Tafkik School). The present study seeks to fill this scholarly gap by comparing these three movements across their principal ideological dimensions. Methodology This research adopts an analytical-comparative methodology. Comparative analysis is not limited to the identification of similarities or differences; rather, it seeks a deeper and more holistic understanding of phenomena through structured juxtaposition (Ali Khani et al., 2010:145). Data were collected through library research and examination of primary and secondary sources relating to each movement, with emphasis on their ideological content. The analysis begins by outlining the theoretical foundations of New-Salafism, followed by an examination of the doctrines of al-Qaeda, ISIS, and the Tafkik School—especially the writings of Hakimi—across six key axes: Reason and textual authority; Engagement with modernity; Jihad; Enemy recognition; Governance and political freedoms and Justice. The similarities and differences across these movements are then assessed comparatively. Rationale for the Comparative Framework Al-Qaeda and ISIS are selected as the most prominent exemplars of Sunni jihadist New-Salafism in the contemporary period, as they fuse traditional Salafi discourse with forms of modern fundamentalism. In the Shi‘i context, the Tafkik School and Hakimi’s writings are chosen due to their textualism, literalism, and resonance with broader Shi‘i fundamentalist tendencies. The six analytical axes—reason and text, modernity, jihad, enemy recognition, governance and political freedoms, and justice—constitute the core of New-Salafi ideology in both traditions and enable substantive comparison of their intellectual foundations. These axes encompass crucial conceptual and practical dimensions fundamental to understanding how these movements approach religion, society, and political authority. The findings are ultimately presented in a comparative table to offer a clear and comprehensive overview of New-Salafism within the Islamic world and the challenges it poses. Conclusion The findings suggest that while al-Qaeda and ISIS share substantial New-Salafi principles, the Tafkik School—due to its distinct epistemological framework—exhibits only limited resemblance to these Sunni jihadist movements. در چند دهه اخیر، ظهور جریانات نوسلفی در جهان اسلام، چالش‌هایی مانند اسلام‌هراسی و فرقهگرایی را به وجود آورده است. در تسنن، نوسلفی‌گری جریانی افراطی است که با خشونت علیه غرب، ترویج بنیادگرایی اسلامی و اطاعت مطلق از نصوص دینی شناخته می‌شود. القاعده و داعش از بارزترین نمونه‌های نوسلفی‌گری در تسنن هستند که در زمینه‌هایی مانند دشمن‌شناسی، جهاد و حکومت با یکدیگر هم‌پوشانی دارند. در مذهب تشیع، به دلیل وجود مفهوم ظهور و نگاه رو به جلو، ایجاد سلفی‌گری به شکل سنتی دشوار است. با این حال، مکاتبی مانند مکتب‌تفکیک به دلیل نصگرایی و تاثیرپذیری از بنیادگرایی، شباهت‌هایی به نوسلفی‌گری دارند. این پژوهش به بررسی تطبیقی نوسلفی‌گری در دو مذهب شیعه و سنی با تمرکز بر سه جریان: القاعده، داعش و مکتب‌تفکیک، بهشکل تحلیلی-تطبیقی، در شش محور عقل و نص، نسبت با مدرنیته، جهاد، دشمن‌شناسی، حاکمیت و آزادیهای سیاسی، و عدالت به اندیشه‌های آنها می‌پردازد. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که در حالی که القاعده و داعش در بسیاری از اصول نوسلفی‌گری اشتراک دارند، مکتب‌تفکیک به دلیل تفاوت‌های عمیق در مبانی اندیشه، شباهت خاصی به این دو جریان ندارد.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106477_c64176b7ccfd232b6a925746e0373369.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 China's Corridor Strategy in Geopolitical Competition with the United States راهبرد کریدوری چین در رقابت ژئوپلتیک با آمریکا 144 115 106478 10.22059/jpq.2026.391534.1008314 FA یوسف جعفری دانشجوی دکترای گروه روابط بین الملل، واحد تهران-شمال، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. رحمت حاجی مینه دانشیار گروه حقوق، واحد تهران-شرق، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. نوذر شفیعی دانشیار گروه مطالعات منطقه‌ای، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 03 04 Introduction In recent decades, China’s economic and political rise has emerged as a major challenge to the US-led unipolar system. Through economic, trade, and infrastructure strategies, China has sought to alter the global geopolitical balance in its favor. A central element of this effort is its corridor strategy, particularly through the Belt and Road Initiative, recognized as one of China’s most important tools for strengthening its geopolitical position, expanding global influence, and creating a network of economic dependencies among partner nations. This massive project develops land and sea transportation networks, facilitating China’s connection to Asia, Europe, Africa, and Latin America, thereby allowing China to gain greater influence over international trade flows. Geopolitical competition between China and the US has reached new dimensions in recent years, with economic and infrastructure corridors forming a critical arena of this rivalry. This Chinese strategy has prompted resistance and reaction from the United States, which perceives these actions as a threat to its hegemonic position and geostrategic interests. Consequently, the corridor competition between these two powers extends beyond mere economic dimensions and is poised to have profound effects on the global geopolitical structure. The primary purpose of this article is to examine and analyze China’s corridor strategy within its geopolitical competition with the United States, explaining how these strategies affect the global balance of power. This research will also clarify China’s economic, political, and security objectives in developing international corridors, alongside the corresponding reactions from the United States. The central research question is: What goals does China’s corridor strategy pursue through global infrastructure projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative? As a hypothesis, it can be proposed that China seeks to expand its geopolitical influence in strategic regions through this corridor strategy and the development of international infrastructure networks, aiming to weaken the economic and political position of the United States as a hegemonic power and ascend to a position of superior power. In contrast, the United States is attempting to compete with and contain China’s influence through alternative and restrictive plans, such as the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and related initiatives. This demonstrates how Chinese infrastructure projects have become tools for influencing these regions and challenging the position of the United States. The United States is not merely seeking to contain China; it has updated its response strategies to strengthen its own hegemonic position within the international system. With these approaches, the present study moves beyond traditional analyses to present an innovative and multidimensional perspective on the geopolitical competition between China and the United States through the lens of corridor strategy. The research method The research method in this study employs an analytical-explanatory and qualitative model. This approach involves first presenting analyses, which are then fully developed through critique and review. Analytical-explanatory research is a method used to examine a phenomenon or subject by analyzing and explaining the factors and causes behind it. As a synthesis of analytical and explanatory research, this qualitative approach examines cases to facilitate a deeper understanding of the subject. Results The findings of this study show that China’s corridor strategy pursues geopolitical goals in addition to economic ones. Developing infrastructure and transportation corridors in target countries strengthens China’s political and economic influence. It also reduces China’s dependence on US-controlled sea routes, such as the Strait of Malacca, by creating alternative trade routes vital to China’s energy security and global trade. In contrast, the United States views this strategy as a threat to its hegemony and the Western-led international order. The American response has taken the form of policies including alternative infrastructure projects—such as the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) and the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment—alongside strengthening regional alliances like the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and AUKUS. The aim of these measures is to contain the expansion of Chinese influence and maintain U.S. strategic and economic superiority in key regions. From a global perspective, the Sino-U.S. corridor competition has profound implications for the international system. Economically, China's massive investments develop infrastructure in participating countries and can contribute to their growth; however, these nations also face risks of increasing debt and dependence on China. Geopolitically, the regions targeted by the Belt and Road Initiative have become an arena for strategic competition between the two powers, which may exacerbate regional and global tensions. Conclusions The results of the study show that the geopolitical competition between China and the United States, expressed through corridor strategies, extends beyond simple economic rivalry. It represents a confrontation between two models of global order. By promoting a model of economic and infrastructure cooperation based on multilateralism, China is attempting to establish an alternative order to the Western-oriented system. In contrast, the United States is striving to maintain its position as the world's dominant power by leveraging its economic, military, and diplomatic influence. This corridor competition will not only transform global trade routes and the international economy but will also alter the geopolitical structure of various world regions. The process will lead to the formation of new political and economic alignments, compelling other nations to position themselves relative to the two great powers. Ultimately, the outcome of this competition will depend on China's ability to successfully implement the Belt and Road Initiative and the effectiveness of the United States in providing alternatives. Ethical considerations This research adheres to the principles of research ethics in accordance with the code approved by the relevant faculty ethics committee. The author has followed established ethical principles in both conducting and publishing this scientific work, and this commitment is hereby affirmed. راهبرد کریدوری چین در رقابت ژئوپلیتیک با آمریکا، یکی از مهم‌ترین تحولات در ساختار روابط بین‌الملل به شمار می‌رود، لذا هدف پژوهش این پیش، تبیین راهبردهای کریدوری چین در این خصوص خواهد بود. این پژوهش با بهره‌گیری از روش‌کیفی با رویکرد تحلیلی-تبیینی تهیه و به بررسی این موضوع میپردازد که اصولاً چین با اجرای پروژه‌های عظیم زیرساختی مانند ابتکار کمربند و راه تلاش دارد شبکه‌ای از مسیرهای تجاری را در سطح جهانی ایجاد کرده و با تسهیل حمل‌ونقل و اتصال مناطق مختلف، نفوذ ژئوپلیتیکی خود را افزایش دهد. این راهبرد، کریدورهای زمینی و دریایی را شامل می‌شود و هدف آن اتصال چین به آسیای میانه، خاورمیانه، آفریقا و اروپا است. در مقابل، آمریکا این پروژه‌ها را به‌عنوان تهدیدی برای موقعیت هژمونیک خود و نظم بین‌المللی تحت رهبری غرب تلقی می‌کند و از طریق سیاست‌هایی مانند ارائه طرح‌های جایگزین و محدودسازی نفوذ چین، به مقابله برمی‌خیزد. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که توسعه کریدورهای تجاری چین نه تنها اهداف اقتصادی، بلکه اهداف ژئوپلیتیکی از جمله کاهش وابستگی به مسیرهای دریایی تحت کنترل آمریکا و ایجاد وابستگی اقتصادی کشورهای همکار به چین را دنبال می‌کند. در مقابل، آمریکا با تقویت اتحادهای منطقه‌ای و ترویج طرح‌های مشابه سعی دارد مانع نفوذ بیشتر چین شود. نتایج همچنین موید این است که رقابت کریدوری چین و آمریکا پیامدهای عمیقی بر موازنه قدرت جهانی، نظام‌های اقتصادی منطقه‌ای و ساختار ژئوپلیتیک خواهد داشت و مناطق هدف این پروژه‌ها به صحنه‌ای برای رقابت استراتژیک دو قدرت تبدیل شده‌اند.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106478_67725817b235783365c9edeace01685a.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 A Comparative Approach to U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Russia During the Trump and Biden Administrations (2016–2024) رویکرد مقایسه‌ای به سیاست‌خارجی آمریکا در قبال روسیه در دور‌ه‌های ترامپ و بایدن(2024-2016) 172 145 106479 10.22059/jpq.2026.389159.1008288 FA محمد جمشیدی استادیار گروه مطالعات منطقهای، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. ساحل عبداللهی‌منش دانشجوی دکترای، گروه مطالعات منطقهای، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 01 29 Introduction The period from 2016 to 2024 demonstrated the pivotal role of U.S.-Russia relations in shaping American foreign policy. Central to this dynamic was the challenge of managing Russia's assertive behavior, particularly under Vladimir Putin, while safeguarding U.S. national interests. Although both the Trump and Biden administrations acknowledged Russia's strategic importance, their approaches diverged significantly. The Trump administration's approach was characterized by heterogeneous decision-making elements, emphasizing transactional diplomacy and short-term strategic gains. In contrast, the Biden administration pursued a policy grounded in the integration of hard and soft power resources, coupled with multilateral engagement, reflecting a structured and principle-based foreign policy orientation. Methodology The research employs a qualitative-comparative method, analyzing foreign policy behavior through speeches, official policy documents, strategic doctrines, and international responses. Its theoretical foundation is based on John Mearsheimer’s theory of offensive neorealism, which posits that great powers, operating within an anarchic international system, seek to maximize their relative power to ensure survival. This framework is applied to assess U.S. reactions to perceived Russian revisionism and aggression, particularly in Ukraine, and to examine the strategic rationale behind each administration’s choice of policy instruments. Key Findings and Results Trump Administration: Trump's approach toward Russia was dual-track in nature, oscillating between cooperative gestures—particularly in the context of Middle East security and counterterrorism—and selective pressure, such as in sanctions and arms control decisions. His transactional and business-oriented diplomacy often placed short-term national interests above alliance commitments and normative concerns. Notable instances include the U.S. withdrawal from the INF Treaty and a conditional posture toward supporting Ukraine, reflecting a decision-making process shaped by heterogeneous elements rather than a coherent strategic vision. Biden Administration: Biden's policy, particularly following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, was marked by a cohesive integration of hard and soft power tools within a multilateral framework. This included extensive coordination with NATO and European partners, the imposition of targeted sanctions, and the strengthening of deterrence through sustained military assistance to Ukraine. Prior to the invasion, Biden’s foreign policy emphasized democratic values, human rights, and the restoration of proactive U.S. global leadership. His decision-making reflects strategic coherence, balancing engagement, competition, and principled action to counter Russian assertiveness. Key Results Trump’s policy resulted in ambiguity in U.S.-Russia relations, reflecting a flexible yet inconsistent stance that relied on personal diplomacy with Putin and transactional engagement. Biden’s policy reinforced multilateralism, consolidated the transatlantic security architecture, and implemented comprehensive measures to counter Russian aggression, demonstrating the effectiveness of integrating hard and soft power in strategic decision-making. The contrasting approaches illustrate that U.S. foreign policy toward Russia has been shaped by underlying decision-making frameworks: one defined by heterogeneous, transactional elements under Trump, and the other characterized by an integrated, multilateral, and principle-based approach under Biden. Conclusion The comparative analysis highlights that U.S. foreign policy toward Russia cannot be fully understood without examining the interplay between leadership decision-making style, strategic priorities, and multilateral engagement. Trump’s heterogeneous decision-making produced flexible yet inconsistent outcomes, whereas Biden’s integrative approach fostered coordinated deterrence and enhanced strategic clarity. Understanding these contrasts provides critical insight into both the continuity and divergence of American foreign policy, particularly in managing great power competition and responding to global security challenges. روابط متقابل آمریکا و روسیه در فضای پس از جنگ سرد، از متغیرهای مؤثر بر سیاست و روابط بینالملل محسوب شده؛ به گونهای که فراز و نشیب الگوی تعاملی یاد شده بر سیاست خارجی دیگر بازیگران در سطوح منطقهای و بینالمللی نیز تأثیرگذار بوده. این چارچوب تعاملی در سالهای پساجنگ سرد نوعی الگوی تکراری از چرخه «مذاکره و همکاری، رقابت و تعارض» را تجربه کرده ‌است. به این معنا که گویی هر یک از کابینه‌های ایالات متحده بر منحنی از «بازبینی» روابط با مسکو تا «نارضایتی» از الگوی رفتاری آن حرکت کرده و همگام با این روند، در سایه برخی تحولات، بر ضرورت مواجهه با آن پافشاری داشته‌اند. تمرکز این پژوهش بر واکاوی جایگاه روسیه در سیاست خارجی آمریکا در بازه زمانی 2016 تا 2024 بوده و بر این پایه، پرسش اصلی این نوشتار عبارتست از اینکه: وجوه افتراق و اشتراک سیاست خارجی آمریکا در مورد روسیه در دوره‌های ترامپ و بایدن کدامند؟ در پاسخ، بر این فرضیه تأکید می‌شود که: وجه مشترک سیاست خارجی آمریکا در دوره‌های رهبری ترامپ و بایدن، اعمال سیاست مبتنی بر «مدیریت تنش» میان دو دولت بود، اما در دوره ترامپ سیاست خارجی مزبور از چالش «تصمیم‌گیری مبتنی بر عناصر ناهمگن» تأثیر می‌پذیرفت و در دوره بایدن متأثر از تهاجم روسیه به اوکراین، از «تصمیم‌گیری مبتنی بر انسجام بخشی میان منابع نرم و سخت قدرت و چندجانبه‌گرایی» جهت گرفت. روش تحقیق کیفی و سازوکار پژوهش نیز مقایسهای می‌باشد.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106479_074e457871092588243a24ad70dfbf03.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 Analyzing the Academic Challenges of Female Afghan Students in Tehran واکاوی چالش‌های تحصیلی دانشجویان دختر افغانستانی در تهران 201 173 106518 10.22059/jpq.2026.390645.1008300 FA حسنیه حیدری کارشناسی ارشد، مطالعات زنان دانشگاه اهل بیت (ع)، تهران، ایران. الهام وحیدی استادیار گروه مطالعات زنان دانشگاه بین المللی اهل بیت(ع)، تهران، ایران. محمد تقی کرمی استاد گروه جامعه شناسی دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 05 13 Introduction Education is a fundamental human right and a powerful driver of human progress. As societies have evolved, education has undergone significant transformations. Historically, authoritarian regimes have often imposed barriers to education to prevent people from recognizing injustices. However, human nature inherently seeks freedom, and ideally, there should be no obstacles to education. Yet, such obstacles have consistently existed, at times halting or slowing the educational process. Afghanistan, with its political and social upheavals over the past century, has experienced significant changes in its educational system at all levels—primary, secondary, and higher education—particularly affecting women. In some cases, women's education has been restricted or completely halted (Mahmoudi & Rezaei Ahvanouei, 2023: 74). Migration is a global phenomenon that occurs for various reasons. It can be categorized into types such as work, obtaining citizenship, education, political asylum, and tourism, which may be temporary or permanent. Each type of migration presents unique challenges that migrants must face during their journey. Educational migration is one such type, where students encounter problems due to differences between their country of origin and their destination. These challenges are multifaceted, encompassing social, cultural, economic, and other dimensions. This study aims to analyze the challenges faced by Afghan female students in Tehran. It seeks to identify and categorize these challenges from the students' perspective and to examine the factors that exacerbate or alleviate them. Methodology This research is qualitative, descriptive-analytic, and applied. It employs thematic analysis based on the framework by Braun and Clarke (2006). Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 Afghan female students in Tehran until theoretical saturation was reached. The interviews were transcribed and coded in three stages: basic, organizing, and global. Thirty final codes were extracted from the data. These include positive experiences, negative experiences, teacher-centered classes, unfamiliar environments, severe financial challenges, inappropriate treatment, anxiety about the future, weak communication skills, lack of job opportunities, discrimination, administrative and health challenges, political factors, socio-cultural factors, economic factors, Iran's economic problems, the Afghan government's policies toward students, Iran's social and media environment, awareness and cultural promotion, student resilience, economic solutions, expanded communication, Iran's advantages, peace of mind in Afghanistan, negative views of Iranian people, universities, lack of specific institutions, spontaneous student centers, lack of support from the embassy, and positive and negative perceptions. In summary, each category of problems corresponds to its own set of factors. For instance, economic problems stem from economic factors. Key challenges identified include the weakness of the Afghan government, the Taliban's rise to power, political instability, a lack of mutual cultural understanding between Afghans and Iranians, Iran's economic situation, and the negative image of Afghans portrayed in the media. Conclusion The research findings indicate that each distinct challenge is rooted in its corresponding set of factors: political challenges stem from political causes, social challenges from social causes, and economic challenges from economic causes. The primary political challenge identified is the weakness of the Afghan government and its failure to support its students abroad. Cultural and social challenges are intensified by a general lack of understanding of Afghan culture among Iranians, as well as by the negative portrayal of Afghans in the media. These problems could be mitigated through initiatives aimed at educating the Iranian public about the realities of Afghan people and by fostering constructive dialogue to promote mutual understanding. مهاجرت پدیده‌ای جهانی است که به دلایل متنوعی از جمله تحصیل، در کشورهای مختلف صورت می‌گیرد. یکی از اشکال رایج آن، مهاجرت تحصیلی است که در آن، دانشجویان با چالش‌هایی متأثر از تفاوت‌های ساختاری، فرهنگی، اقتصادی و سیاسی میان کشور مبدأ و مقصد مواجه می‌شوند. این پژوهش با هدف بررسی و واکاوی چالش‌های تحصیلی دانشجویان دختر افغانستانی در دانشگاه‌های تهران انجام شده است. مطالعه حاضر با رویکرد کیفی و روش تحلیل مضمون صورت گرفته و ابزار گردآوری داده‌ها، مصاحبه نیمه‌ساختاریافته بوده است. جامعه پژوهش، کلیه دانشجویان دختر افغانستانی مشغول به تحصیل در تهران را دربر می‌گیرد که از میان آن‌ها، تا رسیدن به اشباع نظری، با ۱۴ نفر مصاحبه انجام شد. مصاحبه‌ها پس از پیاده‌سازی، در سه مرحله (کدگذاری پایه، فراگیر و سازمان‌دهنده) تحلیل گردید و در نهایت، ۳۰ کد نهایی استخراج شد. این کدها شامل تجربه‌های مثبت و منفی، استادمحوری، احساس بیگانگی، فشارهای مالی، برخوردهای تبعیض‌آمیز، اضطراب، چالش‌های اداری، عوامل سیاسی، فرهنگی و اقتصادی، نبود حمایت از سوی سفارت، ضعف در ارتباطات اجتماعی، دیدگاه‌های منفی جامعه میزبان، و استقامت دانشجویان در برابر موانع بوده است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که هر گروه از چالش‌ها با عوامل متناظر خود شکل گرفته‌اند؛ به‌گونه‌ای که، برای مثال، چالش‌های اقتصادی ریشه در بسترهای اقتصادی دارند. این امر نشان می‌دهد که تجربه تحصیلی دانشجویان مهاجر، برآیند پیچیده‌ای از ساختارها و عوامل چندسطحی است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106518_71681f5dbc3bb905b23e1113dd4662d9.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 Meta-analysis of Iranian woman's knowledge system (case study; student articles and theses between 2007-2017) فراتحلیل نظام داناییِ زن ایرانی (مورد مطالعه؛ مقالات و پایان‌نامه‌های دانشجویی در فاصله 1395-1385) 236 203 106511 10.22059/jpq.2026.386306.1008260 FA صبریه کرمشائی دکترای علوم سیاسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2024 12 09 Introduction This article analyzes the content of two types of women's writing interests. The three conceptual systems of feminism, problematic, and paradigmatic are used as analytical tools to explore what topics attract women's attention, what methods they frequently use in their analysis, and what the basic pattern of their intellectual analysis is. Through this three-part conceptual system, a number of works were examined with regard to their methods and titles. Among a multitude of theoretical methods, which theoretical approach women often use for analysis is an interesting question for discovering their intellectual structure. If we accept that the essence of thought is not the playground of dual male/female identities, but rather the realization of the sacred matter of thought in the context of education and the acquisition of thinking skills, then it is expected that women's cognitive faculties will increasingly approach the transcendental realm of thought, or philosophy. The long absence of women in the primary system of knowledge or philosophy is probably the result of a mental freezing in an atmosphere of feminist ideologies of contemporary man, because despite the greater education of contemporary women, philosophizing is still a male occupation. Therefore, if the rule of thinking is a non-sexual matter, why has the history of thinking always been the product of male thought? It seems that women's mental structure is a self-standing concern, and the teachings of modernism have also pushed them in this direction. However, a rereading of academic and public texts reminds us of the question: is the existence of a specific system of knowledge for Iranian women possible? If the answer is yes, what features of the way of thinking does this system have? Does this system of knowledge look at a specific aspect of social life, or is a specific aspect of human thought the subject of its reflections? Methodology The present article uses meta-analysis to analyze the content and structural form of a number of women's written works in order to extract possible components of the Iranian women's knowledge system. Several works by women from the last five to ten years were randomly selected. Then, the variables of subject, method, and analytical approach of the authors were analyzed from feminist, problematic, and paradigmatic perspectives. Through quantitative analysis of the indicators, it is determined which variables have attracted women's attention and thought. Although a large volume of national studies have addressed the issue of women, these works have rarely discussed women's intellectual lifestyles. The concept of a "knowledge system" has been used as an analogical concept in Iranology studies, but so far this conceptual tool has not been used to explain women's intellectual lifestyle. Therefore, meta-analysis of women's written texts, inspired by this conceptual tool, is the method used in the research. A surrealist or combined approach to written texts is likely to provide a new image of the nature and status of women's knowledge. Discussion and Results Field observations show that women often look at different areas of life from a problematic perspective, which is issue-centered. In the paradigmatic approach, by examining and analyzing thought patterns and methods in research works, some of the most frequent patterns among women are revealed, highlighting characteristics of the women's cognitive system. In fact, women's explanatory and analytical forms and patterns show where Iranian women stand within the boundaries of thought. In the problematic realm, being a woman has always been an unresolved issue, a subject both present and absent, so that every thinker, in confronting this mysterious element, exposes a manifestation of their own mind—be it heavenly or hellish—to the judgment of all. In such an atmosphere, it is as if even a woman herself cannot think about philosophy outside the realm of femininity. Therefore, a form of egoism has trapped her in the darkness of thought about the human condition. Within the paradigmatic index, the purpose is to identify which recurring thought patterns women writers tend to employ in their analysis. Are they subject-oriented or structuralist? With what theoretical methods do they analyze phenomena? In the problematic approach, an attempt is made to show that the concern driving women's writing is not philosophical ends, but rather her issue is lost dignity and rights within the scale of natural human rights. In total, through quantitative analysis of the three conceptual systems in the selected texts, the following results were obtained: In the paradigmatic approach, approximately sixty percent of the written works employ methods of discourse analysis, phenomenology, and interpretive and reflective approaches. About forty percent of the studied works were conducted using quantitative-survey, documentary, and comparative analysis and other methods. In the problematic approach, fifty-three percent of the studied works focused on individual rights and harms, and about forty-seven percent focused on women's social rights. From a feminist perspective, fifty-two percent of the works addressed identity concerns and forty-eight percent addressed gender equality.Thus, out of one hundred percent of research interests, sixty-six percent of the works tended towards indicators related to the feminist and problematic approach. Conclusion The direction to which women pay more attention, among the multitude of interests, thought patterns, and theoretical methods, laid the first foundation for discovering and designing the Iranian women's knowledge system, or epistemology. The question of what concerns motivate women's writing, what percentage of women's issues focus on their identity and status, and fundamentally whether a special type of Iranian women's knowledge system can be designed by observing written texts, provided the main motivation for this research. Observations and findings from the study of three key concepts—feminism, problematic, and paradigmatic—show that thirty-eight percent of women's writing orientation, based on the works studied, adopts a feminist approach. Twenty-nine percent of the other works were analyzed with a problematic approach, and thirty-three percent were classified as paradigmatic approaches. In other words, quantitative indicators show that problematic and feminist approaches together account for sixty-seven percent of the orientation of the total works. Therefore, in quantitative observations covering the period from 2008 to 2020, it is observed that a large part of women's research and written works are devoted to explaining concerns related to identity, status, rights, and gender identity in general. As a result, there is a possibility that problematic and feminist approaches will continue to become the dominant approaches in women's research and written texts. تدوین و تحلیل مؤلفههای نظام دانایی زن ایرانی با تمرکز بر تعدادی از آثار نوشتاری اهداف اصلی این مقاله را شکل داده است. شاخصها نشان میدهند؛ چه دغدغههایی توجه زنان را بیشتر به خود معطوف میکنند، غالباً به کدام روشها یا چارچوبهای نظری گرایش دارند و رویکردهای فمینیستی در آثار آنها چگونه خود را آشکار میکنند؟ ازطریق دستگاه مفهومی سهگانه فمینیسم، پرابلماتیک و پارادایمیک، تعدادی از این آثار با عنایت به روش پژوهش و عناوین آثار مورد بررسی قرارگرفتند. این پرسشها، به کشف احتمالی تصویری کلی از نظام دانایی ویژه زن ایرانی کمک میکنند. مقاله با داوری هنجاری اکسل هونِت درباره نظریه ارجگذاری پیوند یافته است. روش پژوهش، فراتحلیلی است که با بازخوانی و تجمیع تعدادی مقاله و رساله دانشجویی به تعداد 60 اثر، انجام گرفتهاست. از بین آثار مطالعه شده، 20 مورد از منظر رویکرد پارادایمیک، 17 مورد از منظر پرابلماتیک و 23 مورد در چارچوب رویکرد فمینیستی قابل تفکیکاند. نتایج مطالعه نشان میدهد؛ رویکردهای هویتی، دغدغهمندانه و فمینیستی از نظر کمّی، 40 مورد یا %67 از جهتگیری کل آثار برگزیده را به خود اختصاص میدهند. نتیجه اینکه؛ مشاهدات کمّی در بازه زمانی (1399-1387)، نشان میدهد، زنان ایرانیِ نویسنده بیشتر از منظر دغدغههای هویتی و جنسیتی اقدام به پژوهش و نوشتن میکنند.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106511_bfa0db1a2e57ecf39b01c463f97591e3.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 Shift in China's Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan after US Withdrawal چرخش در سیاست خارجی چین در قبال افغانستان بعد از خروج امریکا 264 237 106513 10.22059/jpq.2026.390422.1008295 FA فردین هاشمی دکترای روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه ملی تاجیکستان، دوشنبه، تاجیکستان. Journal Article 2025 02 12 Introduction With the fall of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in August 2021, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, led by the Taliban, took power in the country. Taliban leaders and representatives, both before and after coming to power, promised to form an inclusive government, to avoid discrimination against the country’s population, especially the Hazara Shiites, and to respect women’s rights. However, after gaining power, they shirked their commitments by adhering to a strict interpretation of Sharia, similar to their first period of rule (1996–2001). For these reasons, no country was willing to officially recognize the Taliban regime. Global institutions, Western countries, and the United States significantly reduced their aid to Afghanistan, with sanctions also imposed. Many countries closed their embassies in Afghanistan and refused to allow Taliban representatives to open embassies on their soil. Nevertheless, despite widespread criticism of the Taliban regime, China officially engaged with the Taliban from the beginning and has consistently expanded these interactions. Given the importance of the principle of non-intervention and China’s economy-driven foreign policy strategy, and considering the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, many analysts view China’s engagement with the Taliban as an opportunity to exploit Afghanistan’s natural and underground resources, aligning with the broader Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, the issue lies in the ideological alignment between the Taliban and militant groups such as the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and other groups that threaten China’s national interests and security. Considering this and the fact that China’s interactions with the Taliban began after President Obama announced the U.S. intention to withdraw troops from Afghanistan in 2012, intensifying from 2017 onward, the question arises: Is China’s foreign policy priority in Afghanistan primarily economic, or are other factors involved? Since 2017, China has actively engaged with Afghanistan, particularly with the “Neo-Taliban,” indicating significant changes in China’s foreign policy. By examining the changing relationship between China and Afghanistan over the past decades, it appears that China’s interests now go beyond economic benefits. After the U.S. withdrawal, Afghanistan’s significance in China’s security system has reached its highest level. Given the above, this study aims to examine the security factors shaping China's policy toward the Taliban government, posing the question: What is the most significant factor influencing China's engagement with the Taliban after August 2021? The hypothesis is that China’s dominant interest in Afghanistan is ensuring security and stability, and currently, China views economic engagement as a tool to achieve security objectives. Methodology The present research is qualitative and employs the process-tracing method. In this approach, researchers analyze an event and reveal complex historical narratives by breaking it down into stages, events, and incidents, and then connect them in a causal sequence. The research begins with a stated hypothesis. Next, the chronological sequence and ordering of events are established to determine how far back in time one must look to find the cause. In a causal process, it is explained how the variables influence each other, including how the actor’s choices and decisions affected the outcome. Finally, the necessary evidence is gathered to test the hypothesis and draw a conclusion. This study uses process tracing to test the hypothesis and examines official relations between China and Afghanistan across the following periods: the Cold War era, the U.S. occupation of Afghanistan (2001–2021), and the second Taliban rule. Result and discussion The study shows how China’s foreign policy toward Afghanistan has shifted and transformed to achieve its security interests. Using defensive realism theory, the research concludes that from the Cold War era to the present, China has consistently maintained security concerns regarding Afghanistan. With the U.S. withdrawal in 2021, China’s responsibility to maintain stability and security in Afghanistan has grown significantly. While during the U.S. occupation China focused on Afghanistan's natural resources to sustain its economic growth, China’s motivation for broader engagement with the Taliban now stems from the Taliban's ability to contain terrorist groups threatening China’s national security. China seeks to prevent the spread of fundamentalism, extremism, and Islamic terrorism and demands that the Taliban control Uyghur militants in Afghanistan or hand them over to China. China remains deeply concerned about the radicalization of the Uyghur Muslim population in Xinjiang province. Although security remains China's primary concern, according to defensive realism, China will never resort to military intervention in Afghanistan. Instead, it aims to achieve its security goals through peaceful means, positive engagements, and various forms of exchanges and diplomacy. So far, China's most significant interaction with Afghanistan has been border-control efforts designed to prevent terrorist infiltration into China. A similar pattern has emerged in Central Asia, where China seeks to deepen cooperation with regional countries to combat terrorist threats and other security concerns. Internationally, Beijing aims to ensure that neighboring countries do not provide ideological, political, or material support to the Uyghur militant community. Conclusion In conclusion, China’s most important priority in Afghanistan is security, and China views engagement with the Taliban as the best way to mitigate security threats. Since the Cold War, China has always had security considerations in Afghanistan, and with the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, China’s responsibility for maintaining stability and security in Afghanistan has increased. At the current juncture, China has used the economy as a tool to achieve security interests. خروج ایالات متحده از افغانستان در سال 2021، تحولات گسترده ای را در منطقه و سیاست خارجی قدرت‌های جهانی، از جمله چین، به همراه داشت. این مقاله به بررسی چرخش در سیاست خارجی چین در قبال افغانستان پس از خروج آمریکا می‌پردازد. برخلاف بسیاری از کشورها، چین چه قبل و چه بعد از آگوست 2021، تعاملات رسمی و رو به افزایشی با طالبان داشته است. با توجه به اهمیت اصل عدم مداخله و همچنین استراتژی اقتصاد محور در سیاست خارجی چین، و با عنایت به خروج امریکا از افغانستان، بسیاری از صاحبنظران مهمترین فاکتور تأثیرگذار بر نحوه تعامل چین با طالبان را ناشی از فرصت ایجاد شده برای بهره‌برداری از ذخایر طبیعی و زیرزمینی افغانستان دانسته و آن را در راستای طرح کمربند و راه تحلیل کرده‌اند. با بررسی روابط متغیر چین و افغانستان در ده‌های گذشته، به‌نظر می‌رسد منافع چین در مقطع کنونی فراتر از منفعت اقتصادی است. هدف پژوهش حاضر بررسی فاکتورهای امنیتی بر سیاست چین در قبال حکومت طالبان با ذکر این سؤال است: مهم‌ترین فاکتور تأثیرگذار بر نحوه تعامل چین با حکومت طالبان چیست؟ فرضیه این است که توانایی طالبان برای مهار گروه‌های جدایی‌طلب و تروریستی که امنیت ملی چین تهدید می‌کنند، مهمترین فاکتور تأثیرگذار بر نحوه تعامل چین با طالبان است. پژوهش حاضر با روش ردیابی فرآیند نشان داده است که از مقطع جنگ سرد تا کنون چین همواره ملاحظات امنیتی در افغانستان داشته و با خروج امریکا از افغانستان در سال 2021، مسئولیت حفظ ثبات و امنیت در افغانستان برای چین افزایش یافته است.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106513_703c44988db436887172b9302d4b7166.pdf

دانشگاه تهران فصلنامه سیاست 1735-9678 56 1 2026 04 13 Idea of Progressive Justice ایده عدالت پیشرفتی 292 265 106515 10.22059/jpq.2026.394682.1008407 FA صادق واعظ زاده استاد دانشکده مهندسی برق و کامپیوتر، دانشکدگان فنی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 08 09 Introduction The inherent human tendency to achieve justice, along with its conceptual complexity and difficulty in implementation, has greatly increased the depth and scope of justice discussions, making it one of the few topics that have remained a focus of research since ancient times. On the other hand, in the modern era, progress has been a central concern for all societies striving toward a desired state. Thus, justice and progress are considered major and fundamental goals for society. If these two are not the same or at least complementary, then two distinct and major goals must be determined and pursued, which is practically problematic. Hence, the relationship between justice and progress has been a challenge for both theories of justice and theories of progress. This article examines the most important theories of justice and their degree of proximity to the concept of progress. Since these theories have not satisfactorily resolved the dichotomy between progress and justice, new efforts are necessary. The present study is a step toward reducing the gap between justice and progress. For this purpose, the contradiction between theories of justice and progress is explored. Then, considering the different meanings of fairness, another perspective of justice is presented that closely aligns with progress. The contributions of the study include explaining the dichotomy of justice and progress in existing theories and finding its cause; introducing the concept of contentual fairness as a basis for social justice; recognizing dynamic justice focused on the process of upward social mobility and introducing its equivalent concept as progressive justice; introducing the proper social position and using it to clarify the concept of progressive justice; and expanding the realm of social justice by extending it to the material and spiritual merits of society, beyond the realization of justice for individuals. Research Methodology This study is fundamental in nature with applied implications. In its background, library research on theories of justice was conducted, and selected views of ancient Greek thinkers, Islamic and Iranian scholars, and European figures after the Middle Ages were examined regarding social justice, with particular emphasis on their relationship to the concepts of social mobility, progress, and development. In the theoretical discussions, the method of conceptual analysis was used to ponder and analyze the concepts of fairness in relation to justice. Accordingly, the concept of progressive justice was introduced and explained. Finally, conclusions were drawn. Results and Discussion Contentual Fairness It is known that “justice is fairness.” The word “fairness” in Persian and Arabic is rooted in “half,” meaning two halves of one thing are equal. The equality of something among members of society, which is called fairness in the formal sense, is not sufficient to realize justice. We must pursue fairness in another sense, which we call contentual justice. For this purpose, the subject of equality must be changed, and this cannot be achieved by merely replacing one characteristic with another. The meaning of justice as contentual fairness can be understood from wisdom number 437 of Nahj al-Balagha, which states: “Justice is putting things in their place.” Here, two things are not compared. Rather, a single thing is considered in relation to its place. Therefore, contentual fairness means the equality of the actual place of a thing with its proper place. In a society, contentual fairness and justice are established when the talents of individuals are developed in such a way that each person reaches a social position that matches their proper position. In this case, justice in the sense of formal fairness is also necessarily established. This is due to the fact that all individuals will then be equal in one characteristic, which is the equality of their actual social position with their proper position. Dynamic Justice Social justice can be understood in two senses. In the first, social justice is a desirable state of society and a transcendent goal for humanity. In the second sense, social justice is the way society behaves, reflecting the pace of society's progress and the balance and equilibrium in the advancement of institutions and functions. In this case, social justice is not the destination of society, but rather it accompanies society and defines how society evolves. Social justice is a static matter in the first sense and a dynamic matter in the second sense. Static justice and dynamic justice can be combined. Static justice expresses the desired structure of society, and dynamic justice expresses the desired function of society. Both structure and function are the objects of progress. Therefore, justice is both a destination and a path; it is related to both the present and the future. Convergence of Justice and Progress The social position of an individual according to dynamic justice is a position that is proportional to their talents, capabilities, and competencies at each moment. Fairness dictates that this position be equal to the proper social position of the individual. This position represents a more advanced stage than the previous position. Justice is the transformation and actualization of possessions, including talents and capabilities. With the realization of justice, everybody is in their proper place, as are things other than people. In this way, the resulting structure is optimized. That is, everything is placed in the best position with respect to its internal characteristics and external relations, and the possibility of further optimal functioning is provided. The functioning toward the proper position is defined as progress. According to what has been said, a proper social position is envisaged for every sort of possession. If we define possessions and their corresponding positions with a comprehensive and dynamic view, we approach the basis for a new idea of justice. According to this idea, which may be called progressive justice, individuals should achieve what they do not have in terms of what they do have. What they have at every moment is a combination of talents, capabilities, and competencies that must be flourished. All these are a potential for an actuality that will be achieved. The transformation of potential into actuality through a progressive movement is a process in which cognitive, physical, emotional, and other types of possessions are flourished through formal and informal education, social relations, experiences, skill acquisition, and actions. The first step in progressive justice is the identification of talents. This must begin in childhood. Therefore, the comprehensive process of identifying talents should be taught to nurses, parents, and teachers. Simultaneously with identifying talents, their development and guidance should be carried out. Children should be taught how to recognize their talents and engage in new and innovative experiences to develop them, so they become empowered. Identifying, nurturing, and developing talents are the most important tasks for the emergence of capabilities. Capabilities will evolve from ordinary to specialized and be promoted to professional abilities or competencies. The customary and legal structures and processes of society must allow for the exercise of capabilities and encourage people to transform these capabilities into corresponding competencies and actions. Progressive justice is not limited to humans and is aimed at all talents and capabilities, whether natural, constructed, or human. If everything, including individuals and human groups, natural resources, social structures, and processes, is in its rational position—static justice—or is evolving toward its rational position—dynamic justice—then justice is established. Determining the desired position of things is the design of the target society, and the way to achieve it is the progress program or the justice program. Therefore, a just society and a progressed society are the same, and the progress program and the justice program, which are the ways to achieve progress and justice, are the same. Progressive justice, by unifying justice and progress, is a step toward resolving the fundamental challenge of the divergence between theories of progress and theories of justice. Justice and freedom Progressive justice is achieved by the social actions of individuals toward their own worth. Freedom is one of the most important external factors necessary for social action. At all stages of personal development, including childhood, a person must have the freedom to act in order to express their interests and develop their talents. For this purpose, social obstacles that disrupt their freedom should not be present. On the other hand, transformational factors must be available for their progress. Each person must be able to recognize their talents, make decisions, and engage in experiences to develop them, and have options for this purpose. Without freedom, capability and action do not make sense, and progressive justice cannot be achieved. Conclusion In this article, by recalling the formal meaning of fairness, which is the equality of two halves, contentual fairness was defined as the equality of an individual's actual social position with their proper social position. Social justice is then regarded as the attainment of this proper position. This achievement takes place in a human and social process defined as dynamic justice, which is the same as the individual's progress. Therefore, when the status of individuals matches their proper positions, society becomes just. This, at the most fundamental level of existence, relies on the social nature of humanity. In a just society, justice in the sense of formal fairness also exists because the individuals of that society are equal in achieving their dignity. Individuals, like society, have the same right and duty to strive for and assist in achieving their own and others' dignity. The realization of individuals' progress toward their proper status requires social conditions, including freedom. Thus, progressive justice is not only directed at individuals and human society but also includes the attainment of the material and spiritual talents of society to their proper status. Resources and endowments should not only be fairly distributed but should also flourish and reach their full potential. Under this principle, environmental requirements are subordinate to justice. Therefore, this perspective considers a broader scope than other ideas of justice. نظریه های عدالت لایه‌هایی از مفهوم عدالت را کاویده‌اند، اما نتوانسته‌اند دوگانگی میان عدالت و پیشرفت را در حد مطلوب مرتفع سازند. زیرا عموما معیار برخوداری از مواهب برای تأمین عدالت را نداشته‌های اشخاص دانسته‌اند. در حالیکه که اساس پیشرفت با ارتقای داشته‌ها نسبت دارد. از طرف دیگر، در نظریه‌های پیشرفت معمولا عدالت هدفی مستقل و محوری نیست. در این مقاله پس از مرور فشرده اهم نظریه‌های عدالت، که عموماً مبتنی بر انصاف شکلی به معنی برابری اشخاص یا برابری خصوصیتی از اشخاص است، مفهوم دیگری از انصاف تحت عنوان انصاف محتوایی معرفی می‌شود. انصاف محتوایی به معنی برابری موقعیت اجتماعی اشخاص با جایگاه بایسته آن‌ها در جامعه است. نیل به این جایگاه با شکوفایی استعدادها و توانشهای اشخاص به‌عنوان داشته‌های آنان و در ضمن جابجایی اجتماعی صعودی ایشان انجام می‌شود که به معنی پیشرفت اجتماعی است. بر این اساس، ایده دیگری از عدالت که عین پیشرفت است معرفی و تشریح می‌گردد. با تحق عدالت به معنی انصاف محتوایی نسبت به عموم اعضای جامعه، عدالت شکلی نیز برقرار می‌شود. زیرا اعضای جامعه در برخورداری از شکوفایی داشته‌ها و نیل به موقعیت اجتماعی بایسته خود، با هم برابرند. عدالت پیشرفتی بر حق و تکلیف همه اشخاص نسبت به جاری شدن انصاف به معنی یاد شده و مسئولیت جامعه در مساعدت به آن تأکید می‌ورزد. تحقق عدالت پیشرفتی علاوه بر شمول بر اشخاص، شامل جاری شدن عدالت نسبت به شایستگی‌های مادی و معنوی جامعه نیز هست. بنابراین، گسترده‌ای فراختر از گستره دیگر نظریه‌های عدالت را مطمح نظر قرار می دهد.

https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_106515_2bfc4efa93434a29fc0a7c6e62d9800b.pdf