دانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923Spinoza and Encounter with Body's Political Historyاسپینوزا و مواجهه با تاریخ سیاسی بَدَن64161910750010.22059/jpq.2025.385134.1008242FAشجاعاحمدونداستاد گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران.0009-0002-3254-0012مصطفیانصافیدانشآموخته دکتری اندیشه سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران.0009-0002-3254-0012Journal Article20241109Extended Abstract
Introduction
Since the birth of political thought in ancient Greece, the body has been seen as secondary, instrumental, inert, identity-less, inferior, and even an obstacle to salvation. The body was considered a lowly and despicable thing that must always be under the command of the mind and carry out its commands. This perspective has led us to constantly encounter authoritarian mind/body hierarchies in the history of political thought. The main question of this article is what consequences and problems does mind/body dualism have for political thought? And what is Spinoza’s answer to this problem? As an answer, the article’s hypothesis revolves around the fact that the hierarchical mind/body relationship has led to other superior/inferior relationships; culture/nature, master/slave, are among these hierarchies that feed on the logic of the authoritarian mind/body dualism.
Methodology
This article uses a descriptive-analytic method and draws on the conceptual framework (biopolitics) that is most widely described in the works of Giorgio Agamben and Michel Foucault.
Findings
The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes:
1. In the history of political thought, Plato and Aristotle were the first ones to speak of the mind/body duality.
In the history of philosophy, Plato is the first philosopher to propose the soul as an abstract essence and is the initiator of the rational and argumentative discussion regarding the duality of soul and body, survival and immortality. He considers the soul as the initiator of movement and the source of movement for the body and the ruler over it. Plato considers the soul as the source of movement and believes that the soul precedes the body, so it must rule over the body.
2. The theological-philosophical discourse of the era of the dominance of the church, which is called scholastic discourse, is a kind of Platonism with the flavor of Christian law.
Greek philosophy was the creator of the nature/nurture duality, which was based on body/mind (or soul) duality and the man/slave duality. When these dualities reached the Church Fathers, through those dualisms they established a kind of moral education that included a chain of rules and technologies of self-meditation through which to control human nature (his emotions and desires).
3. Spinoza challenged this tradition of thought that established a hierarchical relationship between mind and body.
Despite the significant and influential changes and developments it brought to the human condition, the discourse of modernity could not distance itself from the ancient mind/body dualism.
4. The political implications of Spinoza's vitalism place his political thought in contrast to Thanatopolitics or modern biopolitics.
In Spinoza's metaphysics, each part is dependent on the others and the parts have a chain structure with each other, in addition to the contextual complexity, the details of Spinoza's metaphysics, from his understanding of essence, God, nature to his understanding of the mind/body problem, have fundamentally increasing political implications. Accordingly, Spinoza offers an understanding of desire, joy, power, and the body, an understanding that finds its most prominent expression in the concept of conatus.
Analysis
Spinoza's approach to happiness has a strong connection and relationship with the body, life, and happiness because, contrary to the Aristotelian tradition, he does not consider life to have any transcendental meaning that man can give meaning to himself only by achieving it. Rather, the meaning of life for man is living itself, and living happily is living according to desires. For Spinoza, preserving the essence is the end of virtue, that is, it is the good itself. In his view, the good of another is not something independent of preserving the essence and preserving the essence is necessary to achieve it. Good is the preservation of one's own being.
Conclusion
Spinoza, by reinterpreting the concept of conatus, uses it as a platform for the connection between mind and body. Based on this idea, Spinoza inverts the relationship of superiority and inferiority between mind and body, because here it is not the body that is in the absolute possession of the mind, but the body that determines the limits and boundaries of the soul's power. This Spinozian understanding of the relationship between mind and body and the subversion of their ancient hierarchy has important consequences for political thought.بَدَن، حلقة مفقودة اندیشة سیاسی است. از لحظة تولد اندیشة سیاسی در یونان باستان، بَدَن همچون امری ثانوی، ابزارگونه، لَخت، فاقد هویت، فرودست و حتی به‌سان مانعی برای نیل به رستگاری مشاهده شده است. بدن امری خوار و حقیر پنداشته می‌شد که همواره باید تحت زعامت ذهن قرار بگیرد و مجری فرامین آن باشد. این زاویة نگاه موجب شد تا در تاریخ اندیشة سیاسی همواره با سلسله‌مراتب اقتدارگرایانة ذهن/بدن مواجه باشیم. پرسش اصلی تحقیق حاضر این است که دوگانه‌انگاری ذهن/بدن چه پیامدها و مشکلاتی برای اندیشة سیاسی دارد؟ و اسپینوزا چگونه این دوگانه‌انگاری را حل و رفع می‌کند؟ در مقام پاسخ، فرضیة مقاله پیرامون این امر می‌چرخد که رابطة سلسله‌مراتبی ذهن/بدن به روابط فرادستانه/فرودستانة دیگری منجر شده است؛ فرهنگ/طبیعت، ارباب/ برده، مرد/زن، نژاد سفید/رنگین‌پوست از جمله این پایگان‌بندی‌های هستند که از منطق ثنویت اقتدارگرایانة ذهن/بدن تغذیه می‌کنند. رابطة سلسله‌مراتبی ذهن/بدن، همواره ثنویتی غالب در تاریخ اندیشة سیاسی بوده است، هم در دورة یونان، هم در دورة مدرسی‌گرایی و هم در مدرنیته شاهد چرخش‌های مختلف و ظهور و بروز این ثنویت هستیم که بر اساس آن بدن باید تابع و فرودست ذهن باشد. نقطة اوج این ثنویت اقتدارگرایانه در نیمة دوم قرن بیستم قابل مشاهده است که طی آن ایدئولوژی‌ها که مصداق غلبة ذهن هستند، آشوبی را ایجاد کردند که طی آن میلیون‌ها بدن از حیات ساقط شد. مقاله برای تبیین فرضیة مذکور از روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استمداد از چارچوب مفهومی (زیست سیاست) که بیش از همه در آثار جورجو آگامبن و میشل فوکو تشریح شده است، استفاده می‌کند. پس از طرح پرسش و پیامدهای سیاسی آن، در ادامه متافیزیک ارائه‌شده در فلسفة اسپینوزا را نقطة قابل اتکایی برای عبور از این تقابل مهلک معرفی و تلاش می‌کند تا با استمداد از اندیشة اسپینوزا و ضمن شالوده‌شکنی ثنویت ذهن/بدن، یک «سیاست معطوف به حیات» را عرضه کند؛ سیاستی که طی آن بدن و به‌تبع آن «حیات» نه «دیگری»، بلکه محور و بنیاد اندیشة سیاسی می‌شود.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107500_adef9718b7e401da349567d981617d18.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) and the Globalization of the Economy in the Arab States of the Persian Gulf Regionصندوق‌های ثروت ملی و جهانی‌شدن اقتصاد کشورهای عربی حوزه خلیج‌فارس67164310750310.22059/jpq.2026.396190.1008373FAفریبرزارغوانی پیرسلامیدانشیار روابط بین‌الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکدة حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه شیراز، شیراز، ایران.0000-0002-6180-7751فاطمهچگونیاندانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکدة حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران.Journal Article20250708Extended Abstract
Objective
Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) serve as key financial instruments for managing oil revenues and investing in development projects. Examining the role of SWFs in general, and their performance in the Persian Gulf states in particular, is important for several reasons. First, alongside governments—and at times with organizational autonomy from their parent states—these actors play a stabilizing role in both domestic and global economies. Second, although their operations appear economic on the surface, the rationale for their establishment, their operational processes, and the consequences of their activities all carry deeply political dimensions, making them significant political actors. Hence, the central research problem of this article is to explain the role of SWFs in positioning the GCC countries within the global political economy.
Introduction
To understand the world, economic and political spheres cannot be absolutely separated from one another. With the expansion of globalization, the increasing interconnectedness of economic processes worldwide, and the emergence of new actors on the international stage, the concept of International Political Economy has given way to that of Global Political Economy. This shift has occurred because what is currently unfolding in the world is not confined solely to interactions among states. Today, alongside states, the Global Political Economy hosts numerous actors, many of which operate both independently of states and more effectively than them. Moreover, unlike in the past, contemporary phenomena are no longer merely political or economic in nature and scope; rather, every event and development must be analyzed and assessed across multiple political and economic dimensions, and their respective consequences must be taken into account. The countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) region are among those that have thoroughly understood the intertwining of economics and politics on the global stage. Nations such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Kuwait—due to their economic dependence on oil revenues—have recognized that, in facing economic globalization, they encounter challenges including fluctuations in global oil prices and the need to diversify their economies.
Methodology
Given the considerable similarities between the economic systems of the Persian Gulf states and that of Iran, as well as the prevalence of SWFs in these countries, this article is applied in nature, and the resulting experiences can offer valuable insights for strategic policymaking. The data were collected through library-based research and a meticulous examination of official reports pertaining to these funds, along with statistics from reputable international institutions. The analysis employs a descriptive-analytical approach: first, the growth and expansion trends of these funds in the selected countries are outlined; subsequently, their functions are analyzed within the framework of interdependence theory. Within this theoretical framework, it is demonstrated that these funds, by supplying capital to the global economy, contribute to its stability while, in return, receiving security and taking steps toward diversifying their domestic economies and consolidating internal legitimacy.
Results and Discussion
The Arab states of the Persian Gulf are among the earliest holders of Sovereign Wealth Funds. During periods of rising oil prices and the global financial crisis, they achieved remarkable prosperity. By channeling capital into global financial markets through these funds and engaging in long-term, high-risk investments, these countries have become major actors in the global political economy. The Gulf states have succeeded, through the strategic use of NWFs, in securing important political benefits for their nations—notably the preservation of political stability in the international environment, particularly following the Arab Spring uprisings and the September 11 attacks.
By means of these funds, the GCC countries have not only strengthened their domestic economies and enhanced social welfare but have also broken free from isolation and gained visibility and influence on the global stage. Through the expansion of these funds, the Arab countries have increased the sensitivity and vulnerability of their relationship with the global political economy—extending their reach to Eastern countries and Latin America, as well as to American and European nations—and have made severing this relationship costly for other parties. In effect, through their high-risk investments across various countries, these nations have taken a step toward making their asymmetrical interdependence with the global community more symmetrical.
Conclusion
Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) in the GCC countries face multiple challenges that affect their performance and future prospects. Oil price volatility remains one of the greatest challenges for these countries, as such fluctuations can lead to a decline in foreign exchange earnings and consequently reduce the funds’ available resources. The absence of clear industrial and economic policies regarding the allocation of foreign exchange facility resources leads to resource wastage and diminishes the funds’ effectiveness. This issue is particularly pronounced when there is a need to invest in infrastructure and industrial projects. Managerial challenges, such as the lack of an integrated framework for financing and resource allocation, further reduce the funds’ efficiency. These problems can result in the non-fulfillment of the objectives set for the funds. Furthermore, SWF holders must bear in mind that the foreign exchange facilities offered by these funds, due to their limited advantages compared to other financing methods, may struggle to compete effectively. Finally, many SWFs, especially in oil-producing countries, face challenges in preserving resources for future generations while meeting current needs. This issue requires a balance between current expenditures and savings for the future—a balance that policymakers of these funds must carefully consider. The future of Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs)depends on their ability to manage these challenges.صندوق‌های ثروت ملی در کشورهای عربی حوزة خلیج‌فارس به‌عنوان ابزارهایی مالی برای مدیریت درآمدهای ناشی از منابع طبیعی به‌ویژه نفت و مقابله با چالش‌های برآمده از جهانی شدن عمل می‌کنند. اگرچه این صندوق‌ها اغلب به‌منظور اهداف اقتصادی ایجاد می‌شوند، اما درهم‌تنیدگی اقتصاد و سیاست، موجب شده است کشورهای شورای همکاری از صندوق‌ها به دستاوردهای سیاسی برسند. هدف این مقاله ایجاد فهمی دقیق‌تر از عملکرد صندوق‌های ثروت ملی در کشورهای عربی حوزة خلیج‌فارس و الگوهای مرتبط با آن است. در همین زمینه نیز با طرح این پرسش که این صندوق‌ها چگونه توانسته‌اند اقتصاد سیاسی کشورهای شورای همکاری خلیج‌فارس در سطح جهانی را بازنمایی کنند، با بهره‌گیری از روش بررسی عملکرد و داده‌های آماری مرتبط با رابطة متقابل صندوق‌ها با اقتصاد این کشورها معتقد است که صندوق‌های ثروت ملی در این کشورها با استفاده از یک ابزار اقتصادی، کارکرد سیاسی ایجاد کرده‌اند؛ چنانکه با ایجاد وابستگی متقابل پیچیده بین کشورهای سرمایه‌گذار و شرکت‌هایی که در آنها سرمایه‌گذاری می‌شود، گسستن این پیوند را برای هریک پرهزینه کرده‌اند. این کشورها با سیاستگذاری‌های خود در این حوزه، اقتصاد خود را به اقتصاد سیاسی جهانی گره زده و افزون بر مواهب مادی، ارتقای امنیت ملی و منطقه‌ای و کسب اعتبار بین‌المللی را نیز از این رهگذر دنبال کرده‌اند.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107503_565b790cb0c2668b16c7ce9255595f49.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923The Evolution of Hindutva Discourse in Contemporary Political Sphere of India: An Approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (2014–2024)تحول گفتمان هندوتوا در سیاست معاصر هند: رویکردی در تحلیل انتقادی گفتمان (2014-2024)69867310750610.22059/jpq.2026.402587.1008436FAامیدبابلیاندانشجوی دکتری، گروه مطالعات جنوب و شرق آسیا و اقیانوسیه، دانشکده مطالعات جهان، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.0009-0004-3430-9679حمیدهمولاییدانشیار، گروه مطالعات جنوب و شرق آسیا و اقیانوسیه، دانشکده مطالعات جهان، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران0000-0002-2692-950Xمازیارمظفری فلارتیاستادیار، گروه مطالعات جنوب و شرق آسیا و اقیانوسیه، دانشکده مطالعات جهان، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.0000-0001-5305-8589Journal Article20250920Extended Abstract
Introduction
India, as one of the world’s most diverse and pluralistic societies, has long been a site of contestation among competing identity discourses. Religious, linguistic, cultural, and regional plurality have historically shaped the Indian nation, giving rise to multiple—and often conflicting—visions of national identity. Among these, the discourse of Hindutva has emerged as one of the most influential and contested projects of identity construction. Originating in the early twentieth century through figures such as V.D. Savarkar and M.S. Golwalkar, Hindutva articulated a vision of India as fundamentally a Hindu nation, seeking to redefine belonging through the prism of shared territory, culture, and civilizational heritage. This study examines the articulation, institutionalization, and reproduction of Hindutva during the decisive period between 2014 and 2024, marked by the consolidation of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. In this decade, Hindutva not only gained unprecedented salience in public discourse but also sought to stabilize itself as a hegemonic framework for defining Indian nationhood, culture, and citizenship. The research employs discourse theory as developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, combined with critical discourse analysis, to interrogate how Hindutva constructs meaning, mobilizes symbolic resources, and negotiates power within India’s contested socio-political terrain. Drawing on key concepts such as nodal points, chains of equivalence, floating signifiers, and antagonism, the analysis demonstrates that Hindutva functions as a dynamic and evolving discursive field. It articulates nation, culture, civilization, and territory in ways that both generate symbolic cohesion around Hindu identity and demarcate boundaries vis-à-vis minority communities, particularly Muslims, who are discursively constructed as the constitutive other. This dual process of inclusion and exclusion lies at the core of the Hindutva hegemonic project.
Methodology
The study highlights several mechanisms through which Hindutva consolidates its centrality. Legal and political interventions—such as the abrogation of Article 370, which revoked Jammu and Kashmir’s special constitutional status, and the Citizenship Amendment Act of 2019—exemplify the use of state power to reshape notions of citizenship and belonging. Simultaneously, cultural and religious symbolism, most prominently the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, provides powerful affective and historical anchors that link political authority to civilizational continuity. Beyond the formal political sphere, the discourse of Hindutva permeates everyday life through media narratives, educational reforms, popular culture, and emerging cultural forms such as H-Pop (Hindutva pop music). Bollywood cinema, in particular, has become a crucial site for disseminating Hindutva-inflected narratives, often through the reimagining of history, the glorification of Hindu heroes, and the demonization of minorities. A notable feature of contemporary Hindutva is its adaptive flexibility. While earlier formulations emphasized exclusivist notions of Hindu nationhood, more recent articulations—particularly those advanced by figures such as Ram Madhav—have framed Hindutva as a broader civilizational paradigm. This strategy seeks to reconcile cultural authenticity with modernity and exclusivity with conditional inclusivity, projecting Hindutva not merely as a rigid ideology but as a capacious framework capable of absorbing dissenting or minority voices, provided they accept the primacy of Hindu culture. Such discursive maneuvers strengthen Hindutva’s claim to ideological legitimacy and broaden its political appeal.
Result and discussion
The findings suggest that Hindutva is neither a static nor a monolithic doctrine but rather an unfinished and contested discourse, continuously reshaped by internal tensions and external resistance. Its power lies in the ability to rearticulate nodal points, deploy state and cultural institutions, and inscribe symbolic meanings into the social fabric. Yet, it remains challenged by secular, liberal, and minority perspectives that contest its universality and resist its hegemonic claims. By tracing these dynamics, the study demonstrates how nationalist discourses in plural societies negotiate identity, hierarchy, and power in an age of globalization. Ultimately, the trajectory of Hindutva between 2014 and 2024 exemplifies the intricate entanglement of religion and politics in contemporary India.
Conclusion
The analysis reveals how cultural and civilizational narratives can be mobilized to redefine national belonging, produce internal and external others, and assert hegemonic influence over political imagination. Understanding this evolving discourse is therefore essential not only for analyzing the transformations of Indian democracy but also for advancing broader theoretical debates on discourse, nationalism, and identity construction in complex, plural, and globalized contexts.هند به‌عنوان یکی از متکثرترین جوامع جهان، همواره عرصه جدال گفتمان‌های هویتی و سیاسی بوده است. این پژوهش با بهره‌گیری از چارچوب نظری لاکلائو و موف و روش تحلیل گفتمان انتقادی، به بررسی تحولات گفتمان «هندوتوا» در سیاست داخلی هند می‌پردازد. این مقاله به دنبال یافتن پاسخ به این پرسش اصلی است که هندوتوا بر پایه چه دال‌هایی شاکله‌بندی شده و این دال‌ها چگونه در سیاست داخلی هند در بازه زمانی ۲۰۱۴ تا ۲۰۲4 بازتاب یافته‌اند؟ یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که این گفتمان با مفصل‌بندی دال‌هایی همچون ملت، فرهنگ، تمدن و سرزمین، در پی تثبیت هژمونی خود بر هویت ملی هند بوده است. سیاست‌هایی مانند لغو ماده ۳۷۰ قانون اساسی و تصویب قانون شهروندی ۲۰۱۹، همراه با بازنمایی‌های رسانه‌ای و فرهنگی، ابزارهایی برای تقویت این روند بوده‌اند. در عین حال، گفتمان هندوتوا با وجود گسترش نفوذ خود، درگیر شکاف‌های درونی و مقاومت‌های اجتماعی است که آن را به یک فرایند ناتمام و در حال شدن بدل می‌سازد. این مطالعه نشان می‌دهد که هندوتوا نه صرفاً یک ایدئولوژی ثابت، بلکه پروژه‌ای پویا است که مرز میان سنت و مدرنیته را بازتعریف کرده و دین و سیاست را در هند معاصر به‌گونه‌ای پیچیده در هم تنیده است. این پژوهش با رویکردی انتقادی و میان‌رشته‌ای، ضمن پرکردن خلأ موجود در ادبیات فارسی و منطقه‌ای درباره هندوتوا، به فهم عمیق‌تر پویایی‌های هویتی و سیاسی در جنوب آسیا یاری می‌رساند و در سطح فراملی به غنای مباحث نظری پیرامون پیوند دین، سیاست و ملی‌گرایی در مطالعات تطبیقی غنا می‌بخشد.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107506_18e64e12e6149b3ce139b9204706b248.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923A Reflection on the Relationship between Religion and Politics in Spinoza's Political Thoughtتأملی بر رابطه دین و سیاست در اندیشه سیاسی اسپینوزا72169910750510.22059/jpq.2026.400807.1008418FAسید عرفانترکشدانشجوی دکتری اندیشة سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران.0009-0005-7160-878Xمحمدتوحیدفاماستاد گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-0775-7482Journal Article20250908Extended AbstractObjectiveThis study aims to explore the rational, ethical, and balanced relationship between religion and politics as articulated in Baruch Spinoza's political philosophy, addressing the central question of how a harmonious interplay between the two domains can be established so as to prevent either confrontation or the domination of one over the other. The hypothesis posits that Spinoza's model, which relies on an institutional separation of religion and politics alongside an emphasis on rationality and morality, positions religion in the service of public virtue while grounding politics in the rational contracts of citizens.IntroductionIn the history of modern political thought, the interplay between religion and politics remains a contentious issue. Spinoza, a pivotal rationalist thinker of the early modern era, critiques traditional entanglements by advocating for a secular, rational state. Drawing from his key works, particularly the Theological-Political Treatise, this article examines Spinoza's foundational commitments to the unity of being, natural rationality, and individual ethics, highlighting his efforts to detach religion from political authority and realign it with human dignity and peace.MethodologyEmploying a qualitative, theoretical, and foundational-analytical approach, this research utilizes conceptual-interpretive analysis and hermeneutic methods to dissect Spinoza's texts within their respective historical and discursive contexts. A comparative-critical framework is adopted to contrast Spinoza's ideas with those of classical and modern thinkers, including Descartes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, as well as contemporary Iranian scholars such as Seyed Javad Tabatabai. The analysis is structured around four principal axes: the historical and epistemological emergence of Spinoza's thought, the conception of religion in opposition to Cartesian dualism, the theory of a rational and secular state, and Spinoza's influence on Enlightenment thought, democracy, and pluralist politics.FindingsSpinoza's philosophy reveals a systematic separation of religion from politics, wherein religion functions as an ethical tool for justice and love while politics derives its legitimacy from rational consent rather than divine authority. Rejecting Cartesian dualism, Spinoza posits a monistic ontology in which religion fosters moral virtue without encroaching on state sovereignty. His ideas profoundly influenced Enlightenment radicalism, modern democratic theories, and pluralist politics, offering a sustained critique of superstition, fundamentalism, and ideological domination while actively promoting freedom of thought and secular governance.ConclusionDespite the passage of more than three centuries, Spinoza's thought retains considerable theoretical and practical relevance for contemporary societies grappling with religious fundamentalism, crises of political legitimacy, and persistent tensions between tradition and modernity. By advocating for a rational secularism and an ethical integration of religion and politics, his model offers a viable framework for fostering peaceful coexistence between the two domains, with a sustained emphasis on public virtue, individual freedom, and democratic pluralism.در این تحقیق با تکیه بر آثار فلسفی و سیاسی باروخ اسپینوزا، به واکاوی رابطة دین و سیاست از منظر یکی از مهم‌ترین متفکران عقل‌گرای دوران مدرن پرداخته شده است. سؤال اصلی مقاله این است که چگونه می‌توان رابطه‌ای عقلانی، اخلاقی و متوازن میان دین و سیاست برقرار کرد که به تقابل یا سلطة یکی بر دیگری منجر نشود؟ فرضیة پژوهش این‌گونه طراحی شده است: اسپینوزا با تفکیک نهادی دین و سیاست و تأکید بر عقلانیت و اخلاق، الگویی ارائه می‌دهد که در آن دین در خدمت فضیلت عمومی و سیاست مبتنی بر قرارداد عقلانی شهروندان قرار می‌گیرد.اسپینوزا با بنیان نهادن فلسفه‌ای مبتنی بر وحدت وجود، عقلانیت طبیعی و اخلاق فردی، کوشید دین را از حوزة اقتدار سیاسی بیرون بکشد و آن را در خدمت فضیلت عمومی و کرامت انسانی قرار دهد. وی در آثار خود، به‌ویژه در رسالة الهی-سیاسی، تأکید می‌کند که مشروعیت دولت از رضایت عقلانی شهروندان نشأت می‌گیرد و دین تنها زمانی مشروع است که در خدمت اخلاق، صلح و آزادی قرار گیرد، نه سلطه و خرافه.مقالة حاضر در چهار محور اصلی به بررسی مبانی فکری اسپینوزا پرداخته است: نخست، تبیین تاریخی و معرفتی پیدایش اندیشه‌های اسپینوزا؛ دوم، تحلیل مفهوم دین در تقابل با دوگانه‌انگاری دکارتی؛ سوم، صورت‌بندی اندیشة سیاسی اسپینوزا در چارچوب نظریة دولت عقلانی و سکولار و چهارم، بررسی تأثیرات اندیشة او بر سنت روشنگری، نظریه‌های مدرن دموکراسی و سیاست متکثر. در پایان، مقاله نتیجه می‌گیرد که اندیشة اسپینوزا، با وجود گذشت بیش از سه قرن، همچنان ظرفیت نظری و عملی بالایی برای بازاندیشی در نسبت میان دین و سیاست در جهان معاصر دارد؛ به‌ویژه در جوامعی که با چالش‌های بنیادگرایی دینی، بحران مشروعیت سیاسی و تضاد میان سنت و مدرنیته مواجه‌اند.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107505_5dd01ab0099cc7aace36d098400fd738.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923The Institution of Monarchy and the Reproduction of Power: A Historical Institutional Analysis of Granting the Right to Dissolve Parliament to the Shahنهاد سلطنت و بازتولید قدرت: تحلیل نهادگرایی تاریخی اعطای حق انحلال مجلس به شاه در ایران75072310751210.22059/jpq.2026.396091.1008371FAعلی اکبرجعفری ندوشندانشیار حقوق خصوصی، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی و تاریخ، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران.0000-0002-2328-6596محمدکمالی گوکیاستادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-6353-6705Journal Article20250713Extended abstract
In 1949, amid the political developments following the 1941 occupation of Iran, Article 48 of the Supplement to the Iranian Constitution was amended, granting the Shah the authority to dissolve the National Assembly. This change marked a pivotal moment in the reconsolidation of power within the monarchy and the delegitimization of the Constitutional Revolution’s achievements in limiting royal authority. Employing the theoretical framework of historical institutionalism, this study investigates the political‑institutional context of this transformation. The findings indicate that the institutional centralization initiated under Reza Shah persisted even after the ostensible transition to democracy in the post‑1941 period. Structural weaknesses in the parliament and the executive branch, the inefficacy of political parties, an unstable political environment, the Shah’s manipulation of crises, and the vested interests of global powers created fertile ground for redefining the monarchy’s role. Within this context, the granting of the right to dissolve parliament was not the outcome of a personal decision but rather the result of a historically embedded institutional path that favored the monarchy. This article illustrates how entrenched institutional structures can influence the trajectory of major political transformations and how, despite significant social upheavals such as revolutions, previous power configurations may persist.
Despite the establishment of modern facilities in the country’s administrative and executive structure during Reza Shah’s reign, this development was never accompanied by political progress or the growth of democratic institutions. Even prominent symbols of the Constitutional Revolution, such as the National Consultative Assembly, were rendered politically ineffective within the oppressive and autocratic environment of Reza Khan’s rule.
After September 1941, the country experienced significant power struggles. The main contenders in these disputes were the National Consultative Assembly, the executive branch, the court, influential figures such as Qavam ol‑Saltaneh and Mosaddegh, and foreign embassies. In addition to the internal institutional factors that gradually led to the constitutional amendment of 1950, certain events also strengthened the Shah’s resolve to revise the constitution. The most significant of these events was the attempted assassination of the Shah in February 1949 during his visit to Tehran University, which marked the beginning of the constitutional revision project.
The incompatibility and tension between relatively rapid socio‑economic transformations and the prevailing political system became increasingly apparent, heralding a major crisis that would emerge with the demise of the autocratic ruler. Although the constitution largely defined the Shah’s duties as ceremonial, in practice it was not the constitution that effectively determined the limits of royal authority. Instead, the institutional capability of the monarchy within the country’s political body dictated the extent of royal power and its application in the constitutional monarchy. In reality, deeply rooted past methods had transformed the entire governmental apparatus into an executive arm of the court. Since Reza Shah’s era, a coordinated integration had taken root between the government and the court and between the army and the court.
Following Reza Shah’s departure from Iran and Mohammad Reza Shah’s accession, the court’s influence diminished considerably, but its institutional position remained unchanged. Consequently, a struggle for power and dominance in political activity commenced. Within these political conflicts and rivalries, the court, with its young and vulnerable shah, emerged as the primary, albeit cautious, claimant to supreme power.
Although the power of the court waned with the fall of the powerful and autocratic Pahlavi monarch, the new shah’s authority—due to the institutional capacity of the monarchy—was sufficient to guarantee his privileged position. This meant that the court’s influence and intervention consistently had a decisive impact on the future and opportunities of its loyalists, dependents, and even the ruling elite as a whole. Therefore, even when the court’s power was reduced, the shah’s potential reactions could significantly influence the plans and calculations of the elite and political statesmen, ensuring that his primary role in power dynamics was never disregarded.
To analyze the reasons for granting the shah the right to dissolve parliament—an act contrary to the law of constitutional monarchy—the approach of historical institutionalism is employed. Historical institutionalism, a major branch of institutional theories in political science, emphasizes the role of institutions, historical paths, and institutional lock‑in in the formation and persistence of power structures. In this approach, institutions are understood not merely as legal rules but as established patterns of behavior and distributions of power that form and change within specific historical contexts. One of the core concepts of this theory is path dependency, which illustrates how initial and institutionalized choices constrain the trajectory of political evolution.در سال ۱۳۲۸ و در بستر تحولات سیاسی پس از شهریورماه ۱۳۲۰، اصل ۴۸ متمم قانون اساسی ایران اصلاح و اختیار انحلال مجلس شورای ملی به شاه واگذار شد. این تغییر، نقطۀ عطفی در روند تمرکز مجدد قدرت در نهاد سلطنت و بی‌اعتباری جنبش مشروطه و تحدید قدرت بود. پژوهش حاضر با استفاده از چارچوب نظری نهادگرایی تاریخی، و روش توصیفی- تحلیلی، به واکاوی زمینه‌های سیاسی-نهادی این تغییر می‌پردازد. این مقاله با هدف نشان دادن چگونگی تأثیر ساختارهای نهادی تثبیت‌شده، بر مسیر تحولات اساسی در بزنگاه‌های سیاسی تألیف شده است و با تحلیل واقعۀ تاریخی نشان می‌دهد که چگونه با وجود تحولات اجتماعی بزرگی مانند انقلاب، مناسبات قبلی همچنان پایدار می‌ماند. بر اساس یافته‌های پژوهش، تمرکزگرایی نهادی در ساختار سیاسی ایران که ریشه در دورۀ رضاشاه داشت، به‌رغم گذار ظاهری به دموکراسی پس از ۱۳۲۰، همچنان ادامه یافت. ضعف ساختاری مجلس و قوۀ مجریه، ناکارامدی احزاب، فضای ناپایدار سیاسی و بهره‌برداری شاه از بحران‌ها، به‌همراه منافع قدرت‌های جهانی زمینه‌های لازم را برای بازتعریف نقش سلطنت فراهم کرد. در این چارچوب، اعطای حق انحلال مجلس نه حاصل یک تصمیم فردی، بلکه نتیجۀ مسیر نهادی‌ای بود که از گذشته به‌جا مانده بود و به نفع سلطنت عمل می‌کرد.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107512_20b8df8fe5ff4e8b016654ea8e3a3235.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923Quantum Transition Theory: A Strategic Framework for Conceptualizing the West’s Hybrid Warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iranنظریة گذار کوانتومی؛ چارچوبی برای ادراک جنگ هیبریدی غرب علیه جمهوری اسلامی ایران77975110751610.22059/jpq.2026.395657.1008366FAمحمدهادیراجیاستادیار، پژوهشکدۀ مطالعات راهبردی، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-1742-8922ابوذرگوهری مقدمدانشیار، دانشکده معارف اسلامی و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه امام صادق(ع)، تهران، ایران.روح اللهراجیدانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-1742-8922Journal Article20251011Extended AbstractIntroduction and Problem StatementHybrid warfare has emerged as one of the most prominent paradigms in contemporary military and strategic literature, with the Islamic Republic of Iran serving as a primary target of these multifaceted operations. Despite the growing body of literature on this subject, a significant theoretical deficit remains in providing a comprehensive framework capable of explaining the complex, fluid, and non-linear dynamics of such confrontations. To address this gap, this study examines existing hybrid warfare theories and explores their convergence with international relations paradigms. Consequently, the research seeks to answer a fundamental question: What is a valid theoretical framework for analyzing and understanding the West’s hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran?Research MethodologyThis study is exploratory and developmental-fundamental in nature, aiming to establish a conceptual foundation for analyzing hybrid threats rather than testing empirical hypotheses. Methodologically, it adopts a qualitative approach, employing documentary analysis and descriptive-analytical methods. The data collection relies on strategic documents and academic literature, which are analyzed through the conceptual lens of systemic transitions.Findings and DiscussionThe findings indicate that a theoretically grounded understanding of hybrid warfare requires a paradigm shift from classical, linear "Newtonian" frameworks to "Quantum" models. In this quantum state, hybrid warfare operates as a non-linear phenomenon characterized by uncertainty, chaos, and systemic instability. Through this lens, the West’s strategy is seen to target the "regime of truth"—manipulating the target state’s cognitive, linguistic, and aesthetic frameworks. By utilizing cognitive biases and semantic engineering, this hybrid campaign aims to fragment the societal fabric, impose external aesthetic values, and disrupt the nation's historical and civilizational temporality.Conclusion and Strategic ImplicationsThe study concludes that contemporary hybrid warfare against Iran is not merely a combination of conventional and irregular tactics, but a systemic effort to reshape the national imaginary and cognitive boundaries. To counter this threat, the Islamic Republic of Iran must undergo a comprehensive re-architecting of its institutional, aesthetic, and informational structures. Rather than relying on linear historical learning, addressing these modern threats requires fostering domestic cognitive resilience and developing strategic frameworks capable of navigating chaotic, non-linear security environments.جمهوری اسلامی ایران را می‌توان یکی از مهم‌ترین کشورهای هدف جنگ ترکیبی دانست که اوج آن در جنگ 12 روزۀ رژیم صهیونیستی و ایالات متحدة امریکا علیه ایران قابل مشاهده است. در این بین نظریات مختلفی برای شناخت جنگ ترکیبی مطرح شده است. شناخت نظریۀ معتبر برای تحلیل جنگ ترکیبی غرب علیه ج.ا.ا می‌تواند راهگشای مطالعات جنگ ترکیبی و به‌خصوص جنگ ترکیبی غرب علیه ج.ا.ا باشد. در این زمینه این پژوهش در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که نظریة نمایا برای شناخت و تحلیل جنگ ترکیبی غرب علیه ج.ا.ا چیست؟ این تحقیق، اکتشافی بوده و فرضیه‌آزما نیست. تحقیق حاضر از حیث نوع، توسعه‌ای - بنیادین است، چراکه در مقام تبیین نظریات مختلف در حوزة جنگ ترکیبی و ارائة یک نظریة مبنا برای شناخت جنگ ترکیبی غرب علیه ج.ا.ا است. در این تحقیق برای گردآوری داده‌ها، از تکنیک اسنادی استفاده شده و برای تحلیل داده‌ها نیز از روش کیفی در کنار رویکرد توصیفی و تحلیلی بهره برده شده است. یافته‌های تحقیق بیانگر آن است که شناخت نظریه‌مند جنگ ترکیبی نیازمند درک تحولات گذار از فیزیک نیوتنی به فضای کوانتومی است جایی که می‌توان به چارچوبی ادراکی و دارای دلالت معرفتی و روشی از آشوب نائل آمد.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107516_937e75210593007e96790d1566a03f21.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923Representing the Relation between Love and Politics; A Reflection on the Series Shahrzadبازنمایی نسبت عشق و سیاست؛ تأملی بر سریال شهرزاد80478110750710.22059/jpq.2026.401659.1008424FAپیمانزنگنهاستادیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکدة ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بیرجند، بیرجند، ایران.0000-0002-7373-1950Journal Article20250914Extended Abstract
The series Shahrzad is one of the finest dramatic works of the 1990s, which, by focusing on social and political problems, has created a form of representation centered on the connection between loving subjects and political and social issues. This drama, which deals with the events following the August 19, 1953 coup, portrays the state of Iranian society after this political‑historical event in such a way that social forces aligned with political power have no qualms about killing and slaughtering in order to achieve their goals. The prevalence of political corruption is among the most obvious issues fueling disorder across various sectors of society. On the other hand, the characters in this series largely turn to love as a means of escaping despair and enduring the difficult conditions caused by the coup and the problems of their time. Through their connection with their desired love objects, they strive to make the suffering and hardship resulting from the intense pressures of life bearable. The research question of this article is as follows: how is the relationship between love and politics represented in the series Shahrzad? The hypothesis is that in this series, love and politics are represented in the form of a contradictory and disconnected relationship, such that tragedy emerges as a result of this disconnection. Accordingly, the present article examines and explores the relationship between the two concepts of love and politics by employing an integrated theoretical approach focused on the triad of politics, love, and tragedy, and by utilizing Stuart Hall's method of structural representation.
Methodology
Representation, as a type of social construction, is one of the concepts employed by Stuart Hall. From Hall’s perspective, three approaches to representation can be distinguished. The first is the reflective approach, which considers language as a tool for expressing the reality of the world. Logical positivism and Wittgenstein’s early picture theory of language are relevant in this regard. The second is the intentional approach, which searches for meaning in the intentions of the author, speaker, or artist and is reflected in the hermeneutic tradition. The third is the constructivist approach, in which meaning is produced and created through linguistic practices. Within the framework of constructivist representation, Stuart Hall maintains that meanings do not possess a fixed truth and are instead constructed by their cultural conditions and environment.
Results and Discussion
The series Shahrzad, directed by Hassan Fathi, aired for three seasons totaling fifty nine episodes and attracted considerable audience attention. In this series, the director portrays Farhad as a student of Persian literature, using his literary background to convey the series’ critical message to the audience in the face of power centers associated with the court. She also represents Shahrzad as a medical student. Metaphorically, the director may intend the doctor to symbolize a therapeutic role; the connection between literature and medicine thus represents a sick society that must first be criticized and then treated. Two types of views on politics appear in the series Shahrzad. The first is a realistic approach in which violence, deception, conspiracy, murder, and similar elements are among its most prominent features, visible throughout the series. For instance, in episode twenty one of the first season, the police clash with rivals such as Behboudi and Shervani during the murder of Bozorg Agha. In this incident, the police pursue their own interests, and the chief of police, Colonel Soheili, asks Major Foladshekan to refrain from investigating the assassination attempt on Bozorg Agha. The second perception of politics is the idealistic view, traceable in the attitude of Mosaddegh’s supporters in the series. Some of Farhad’s dialogues indicate an idealistic view of politics. In a conversation with his father, he explains his different perspective by saying, There are so many widows, grieving mothers, and fathers in this country, door to door, asking for help, who have no voice, and they are calling out, sir.
In the series Shahrzad, in line with Alain Badiou’s discussions, love is formed on the basis of difference, while the ruling political structure seeks to reduce love to cabaret and instant pleasures through a homogenizing approach and an official reading of it. However, the love between Farhad and Shahrzad, whose social outcome manifests itself in the form of relentless rebellion and chaos, comes into direct conflict with politics, resulting in nothing but tragedy for the characters. Shahrzad is forced into a painful and unwanted separation from Farhad, and Farhad, as a result of losing his love, engages in political action against the established power. Numerous tragedies in the series Shahrzad occur as a consequence of the confrontation between the rebellious power of loving subjects and politics. Bozorg Agha, for example, is a character who lost his wife and two children in an accident, and his only daughter, Shirin, is unable to have children. Despite his wealth, power, and high political and social status, Bozorg Agha’s life is marked by tragedy. The death of Hashem Damavandi, which occurs as a result of Shahpour Behboudi’s conspiracy and the collaboration of the bureaucrat Qobad, is one of the tragic scenes in which the director portrays this sequence using appropriate visual effects and intelligent editing, such that the audience identifies with the characters with great sadness and grief.
Conclusion
In the series Shahrzad, the director represents a tragic relationship between love and politics in the modern world. In other words, by depicting scenes such as the grand mansion of the lord alongside its dimly lit periphery, the prison, the asylum, and other closed spaces, she attempts to reconstruct the tragic and painful dimension of the story. Through the observation of the physical space of the narrative, the viewer experiences a kind of pain, suffering, and sadness that is itself tragic in nature. Furthermore, the heroes and anti heroes that the director and the cast of this series have drawn represent a relentless struggle between the heroes of the world of love and the anti heroes of a world full of pain and political tragedy.سیاست از جمله مفاهیمی است که می‌توان دو برداشت اخلاقی و غیراخلاقی مبتنی بر قدرت از آن ارائه کرد. در خوانش اخلاقی از آن اصول انسانی، اخلاقی و عادلانه مورد توجه است اما در نگرش غیراخلاقی، هدف وسیله را توجیه می‌کند و برای استقرار نظم و امنیت و رسیدن به اهداف، کاربرد زور و خشونت نیز امری محتمل است. اما عشق از جمله مفاهیمی است که در اثر هم‌پیوندی میان دو سوژة عشقی (عاشق و معشوق) ایجاد می‌شود و در صورت ناکامی نیز به خشونت و پیدایش تراژدی می‌انجامد. سیاست هم با تکیه بر منطق قدرت که ناهم‌پیوندی اجتماع در رسیدن به اهداف را تعقیب می‌کند، عشقی را که ناهمسو و ایجادکنندة نوعی مقاومت و برسازی رویکردی تقابلی با آن باشد، تحمل نخواهد کرد و به زایش تراژدی منجر خواهد شد. سریال شهرزاد نیز از جمله آثار فاخر نمایش خانگی در دهة نود شمسی محسوب می‌شود که آشکارا تقابل تراژیک و خشونت‌بار دو مفهوم عشق و سیاست را از دریچة رسانه بازنمایی می‌کند. این نوشتار بر آن است تا مناسبات میان عشق و سیاست را با بهره‌گیری از رویکرد نظری تلفیقی عشق، سیاست و تراژدی به روش بازنمایی برساختی استوارت هال بررسی کندhttps://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107507_54a6e7e46172eebfdf03eaffd77abdc1.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923Theoretical Fetishism, Theoreticism, and Constrained Research in the Humanities: The Case of the Literature on Iran’s Nuclear Programبرنامۀ هسته‌ای ایران: نظریه‌زدگی و دست‌بستگی پژوهش در علوم انسانی83480510900610.22059/jpq.2026.410622.1008521FAمحمد جوادظریفدانشیار، دانشکدۀ مطالعات جهان، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.0000-0003-0712-405Xسید جلالدهقانی فیروزآبادیاستاد، روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران.0000-0003-1055-531Xساسانکریمیاستادیار، دانشکدۀ مطالعات جهان، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.0000-0003-1962-6794Journal Article20260218Extended AbstractIntroduction This article critically examines the concept of theory-ladenness, emphasizing how theoretical, conceptual, and cognitive presuppositions shape observation and knowledge production. Rooted in post-positivist philosophy of science and linked to the Frankfurt School’s critical theory, theory-ladenness challenges the notion of neutral knowledge, framing it instead as a vehicle for domination and ideological reproduction. Tracing the historical evolution of this concept from the Enlightenment to contemporary debates, the article demonstrates that scientific observations are never entirely free from mental frameworks and social interests. The rigid segregation of theories is presented not merely as an academic concern but as a mechanism for maintaining intellectual hegemony. The study argues that research is inevitably influenced by underlying interests and that conceptual audacity and epistemic breakthroughs require liberation from both entrenched theoretical frameworks and self-serving biases. Drawing on Kuhn’s paradigm shift, this paper emphasizes the necessity of critical awareness and methodological reflexivity in the humanities to free knowledge from ideological constraints and interest-driven distortions.MethodologyThis study adopts a qualitative, analytical-conceptual methodology, focusing on historical and philosophical inquiry rather than empirical testing. The research involves a systematic review and critical interpretation of primary and secondary texts, including key philosophical works, contemporary articles, and historical case studies. The analysis traces the development of theory-ladenness from the Enlightenment (Locke, Kant) through twentieth-century positivism, falsificationism, and the epistemic debates surrounding Einstein and Bohr. It also critically examines foundational texts of critical theory (Adorno, Horkheimer, Marcuse, Habermas) and applies these insights to the social sciences, particularly international relations. Data were drawn exclusively from secondary sources, with interpretive analysis emphasizing the role of theoretical presuppositions, conceptual abstraction, and social interests in shaping observation and knowledge. The study identifies gaps in the current literature regarding the historical-philosophical trajectory of theory-ladenness and its entanglement with interests in humanities research.Results and DiscussionThe study identifies three primary interpretations of theory-ladenness:1. Theoretical Fetishism – Drawing on Marxist thought (Lukács), this form attributes independent, almost magical power to concepts, detaching them from their social and historical origins, thereby distorting practice and reinforcing intellectual hierarchies.2. Theoreticism – Emerging from French Marxism (Althusser), this perspective prioritizes theoretical practice over material or political action, often neglecting the practical struggle necessary for social transformation.3. Theory-Ladenness (Neutral Post-Positivist Usage) – Advanced by Hanson, Kuhn, and Feyerabend, this descriptive concept demonstrates that no observation is theory-neutral; all data are interpreted through existing conceptual frameworks, making scientific revolutions contingent upon paradigm shifts rather than incremental empirical accumulation.Critical theory situates these forms of theory-ladenness within social, cultural, and power-laden contexts, highlighting how hidden interests influence knowledge production. In the field of international relations, this manifests in rigid adherence to theoretical frameworks such as realism or liberalism, which can constrain intellectual dialogue and marginalize alternative perspectives.The study illustrates these dynamics through the case of Iran’s nuclear program. Western and policy-focused analyses often favor threat-centric frameworks aligned with realist paradigms. Alternative analyses emphasizing diplomacy, legality, or regional dynamics are frequently marginalized, irrespective of empirical or logical validity, due to entrenched theoretical biases. Publications such as Foreign Affairs, The New York Times, and The Washington Post demonstrate that acceptance of an analysis depends less on methodological rigor and more on its alignment with prevailing theoretical paradigms. Conversely, articles that challenge these paradigms are labeled “idealistic,” “non-scientific,” or “normatively biased,” illustrating how theory-ladenness shapes both epistemic authority and policy discourse.ConclusionThe findings underscore that knowledge in the humanities, particularly in international relations, is inherently shaped by theoretical presuppositions and social interests. Recognizing the multiplicity of forms of theory-ladenness is essential for avoiding both rigid theoretical fetishism and interest-driven distortions. Scholars must cultivate critical awareness to transcend conventional paradigms, fostering intellectual flexibility and conceptual innovation. Drawing on Kuhn’s paradigm shift and the insights of critical theory, the study advocates for a reflective approach that balances methodological rigor with openness to diverse perspectives, enabling more robust, equitable, and conceptually daring scholarship in the humanities.این مقاله به بررسی انتقادی نقش نظریه‌زدگی در تولید و ارزیابی دانش در علوم انسانی با تمرکز بر ادبیات مربوط به برنامۀ هسته‌ای ایران می‌پردازد. مسئلۀ اصلی پژوهش آن است که چگونه چارچوب‌های نظری مسلط و منافع سیاسی و نهادی، معیارهای علمی بودن، واقع‌گرایی و اعتبار تحلیلی را شکل می‌دهند و به حاشیه‌رانی روایت‌ها و تحلیل‌های بدیل می‌انجامند. بر این اساس، سؤال پژوهش این است که نظریه‌زدگی در معانی مختلف خود چگونه بر فرایند مشاهده، تفسیر و داوری علمی اثر می‌گذارد و چه نقشی در بازتولید هژمونی گفتمانی پیرامون برنامۀ هسته‌ای ایران ایفا می‌کند. پژوهش با رویکردی کیفی و بر پایۀ تحلیل تاریخی ـ مفهومی، با اتکا به متون فلسفۀ علم، نظریۀ انتقادی، ادبیات روابط بین‌الملل و نمونه‌هایی از مقالات و گزارش‌های سیاستی انجام شده و چارچوب نظری آن بر مفهوم گرانباری مشاهده از نظریه در فلسفۀ علم پسااثبات‌گرا و نقد غیرخنثی بودن دانش در سنت نظریۀ انتقادی استوار است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد نظریه‌زدگی را می‌توان در سه معنای بت‌وارگی نظری، نظریه‌محوری افراطی و گرانباری مشاهده از نظریه فهم کرد و هر سه معنا، به درجات مختلف، در تولید دانش علوم انسانی حضور دارند. همچنین، مطالعۀ ادبیات برنامۀ هسته‌ای ایران نشان می‌دهد پارادایم امنیتی مسلط و فرایند امنیتی‌سازی، از طریق سازوکارهای نهادی و گفتمانی، روایت‌های تهدیدمحور را به‌عنوان تحلیل‌های علمی و واقع‌گرایانه مشروعیت می‌بخشند، درحالی‌که تحلیل‌های دیپلماسی‌محور و روایت‌های بدیل اغلب با معیارهای دوگانه ارزیابی و به حاشیه رانده می‌شوند. مقاله نتیجه می‌گیرد که نظریه‌ها و مشاهدات علمی از پیشفرض‌ها، ارزش‌ها و منافع اجتماعی و سیاسی مستقل نیستند و گشودگی نسبت به روایت‌های بدیل و پرهیز از بت‌وارگی نظری، شرطی ضروری برای نوآوری نظری و گسترش افق‌های معرفتی در پژوهش‌های علوم انسانی و روابط بین‌الملل است.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_109006_1d5d5a604ba4a3c33a00faf9494c6dbf.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923The Quad Alliance in Indo-Pacific Security Dynamics: A Theoretical Examination of Threat Perceptionاتحاد کواد در معادلات امنیتی ایندو-پاسیفیک؛ تحلیلی نظری بر ادراک تهدید86283510750810.22059/jpq.2026.400447.1008409FAمهرشادغفاری زادهدانشجوی دکتری، روابط بین‌الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکدۀ اقتصاد و علوم اداری، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران.نوذرشفیعیدانشیار، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.0000-0001-7747-6697Journal Article20250817Introduction
The strategic rivalry between the United States and China has become one of the central axes of international relations in the 21st century. This competition has intensified particularly in the Indo-Pacific region, recognized as a focal point of geopolitical and economic developments. In an effort to contain China’s growing power, the United States has turned to strengthening bilateral and multilateral alliances. One such alliance is the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), comprising the United States, Japan, India, and Australia. It aims to create strategic synergy in the security, economic, and diplomatic domains. Focusing on the Quad's revival in 2017, this paper seeks to answer the question: What variables led to the reemergence of this informal alliance? The main objective of the research is to analyze the role of shared threat perception from China in the formation and consolidation of the Quad, using Stephen Walt’s theory of balance of threat. The article endeavors to demonstrate how macro-level factors in the international system—particularly the perceived threat posed by China’s rise—have led to strategic convergence among the Quad members.
Methodology
This study adopts a descriptive-analytic method and uses Walt’s balance of threat theory as its theoretical framework. The theory focuses on four key variables in analyzing threat perception: aggregate power, geographic proximity, offensive capabilities, and aggressive intentions. To examine these variables, official security and defense documents from the Quad member states (such as the U.S. National Security Strategies, Japan’s Defense White Papers, Australia’s defense documents, and India’s Ministry of Defense annual reports) have been analyzed across two key timeframes: 2007 and 2017. These timeframes correspond with the initial formation and subsequent revival of the Quad. Economic and military data—including GDP and military expenditures—have been extracted from reliable sources such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) to facilitate a quantitative and qualitative assessment of aggregate power and offensive capabilities.
Results and Discussion
The research findings indicate that a shared perception of threat from China has been the primary driver behind the Quad’s revival. Based on the balance of threat theory, the variables such as aggregate power, geographic proximity, offensive capabilities, and aggressive intentions of China have directly contributed to the alliance’s formation. In terms of aggregate power, China’s economic and military growth—particularly the increase in its GDP from one-quarter of Japan’s in 2007 to nearly 80% of the U.S. economy by 2024, and the rise in its military spending from one-tenth to one-third of the Quad’s total—highlight an escalating threat. Geographic proximity, especially for Japan and India due to territorial disputes (such as the Senkaku Islands and the Himalayan borders) and their closeness to Taiwan, has further reinforced the threat perception. China's offensive capabilities, including land reclamation in the Spratly Islands and the establishment of an Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea, have heightened security concerns. Furthermore, China’s aggressive intentions—described in official documents of Quad members as assertive and inconsistent with international norms—have led to strategic alignment. Document analysis shows that the initial optimism of 2007 gradually gave way to growing concerns by 2017.
Conclusion
The revival of the Quad is a response to geopolitical developments in the Indo-Pacific and the perceived threat from China’s rise. This informal alliance has been formed to balance China's expanding influence through coordinated security, diplomatic, and economic efforts. While the Quad is unlikely to evolve into an “Asian NATO,” it serves as a flexible network that plays a significant role in maintaining regional stability and containing China. The future of the alliance depends on the trajectory of U.S.-China relations and regional geopolitical dynamics, but at present, the Quad reflects the shared resolve of its members to address challenges posed by China.رقابت استراتژیک میان ایالات متحده و چین در دهه‌های اخیر به محور اصلی تحولات ژئوپلیتیکی در منطقۀ ایندو-پاسیفیک تبدیل شده است. در این چارچوب، اتحاد کواد به‌عنوان چارچوب نوظهور امنیتی میان چهار قدرت دموکراتیک (آمریکا، ژاپن، هند و استرالیا) با هدف مهار نفوذ فزایندۀ چین و حفظ توازن منطقه‌ای شکل گرفته و احیا شده است. سؤال اصلی مقاله این است که چه عواملی در بازتعریف ادراک تهدید از چین نقش داشته‌اند که به احیای اتحاد کواد انجامیده است؟ مقاله با تکیه بر نظریۀ موازنۀ تهدید استفن والت، بر این فرض استوار است که درک مشترک کشورهای عضو کواد از تهدید چین در چهار بُعد قدرت کل، مجاورت جغرافیایی، توان تهاجمی و نیات تهاجمی، عامل اصلی همگرایی راهبردی این کشورها بوده است. روش تحقیق مقاله کیفی و به‌صورت توصیفی-تحلیلی است و برای گردآوری داده‌ها از تحلیل اسنادی منابع رسمی امنیتی و دفاعی کشورهای عضو کواد شامل استراتژی‌های ملی، گزارش‌های دفاعی و داده‌های آماری بهره گرفته شده است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که اتحاد کواد بیش از آنکه واکنشی به قدرت صرف چین باشد، پاسخی به ادراک تهدید چندلایه‌ای از سوی این کشور است که موجب شکل‌گیری ساختار همکاری امنیتی غیررسمی در منطقۀ ایندو-پاسیفیک شده است. در نهایت، آیندۀ این اتحاد به روند رقابت راهبردی میان آمریکا و چین در منطقه وابسته خواهد بود.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107508_0f7f2e87b7140290d5040856bcc88a81.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923Strategic Stability in Networked International Orders: A Step Toward a New Theoryثبات راهبردی در نظم‌های بین‌المللی شبکه‌ای:گامی به‌سوی الگوی نظری نوین89086310751010.22059/jpq.2026.399246.1008397FAفرهادقاسمیاستاد، روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.0000-0001-9237-4197Journal Article20250724Extended Abstract
Introduction
Due to the absence of a formal stabilizing control system, Strategic Stabilization in Anarchic International Systems has held a special position in their functioning and is considered a determinant of the desired order. Nations rely on their stabilization capability to ensure security and survival. International Relations deals with the study of one of the largest systems—the international system—which faces diverse dynamics. This system has experienced various configurations, all reflecting patterns of distinct orders. What remains common across all these patterns is the issue of war and instability in orders, with order control as a fundamental concern. Addressing this concern is directly linked to the type of international systems, which include simple, complex, and chaotic systems—or in other words, linear and nonlinear international systems. The emergence of new dynamics in complex-chaotic international systems has left International Relations literature lagging in this field. Therefore, the central question of this research is the model of strategic stabilization in the nonlinear state of international order. Stabilization is directly connected to the functional and operational environment of the international system, which includes four zones; the normal zone of the international system’s functioning, the complexity zone of the international system, the chaotic zone and the edge of chaos, the dissipative order zone. Based on these four zones, four distinct stabilization models can be identified; - Conventional, Complex stabilization, Chaotic and Dissipative stabilization which conceptualized in networked strategic stability.
Methodology
The research methodology is based on an abductive approach. Although the theory of abduction has ancient historical roots traceable to Aristotle, its contemporary theoretical articulation is attributed to Peirce. Peirce emphasizes the collective nature of inquiry. Essentially, within classical literature, two epistemological models—deduction and induction—have served as the fundamental axes for theorization, each involving a distinct cognitive process. In the inductive model, the examination of case(s) yields results, which ultimately culminate in a rule. Conversely, in the deductive model, rules are emphasized *a priori*; subsequently, the case(s) are examined, leading finally to results .In the model emphasized by Peirce—namely, abduction—rules are first emphasized, and in the second stage, results are specified; finally, cases are situated within the framework of these results, leading to theoretical inference concerning them. Abduction comprises two stages: practical reasoning and theoretical reasoning. In the initial stage, the researcher observes emergent facts possessing specific formulations and characteristics, yet finds themselves unable to situate these characteristics within existing theoretical frameworks.
Result and discussion
Overall, the most salient emergent phenomena observable within this domain are as follows:
- The cognitive emergence of humans recognizing order and stability within the universe and its implication for the existence of a Creator;
- The emergence of the principle of universality governing existence and its relationship to constituent parts;
- The hierarchical nature of systems and the establishment of order and stability within them;
- The identification of general rules governing systems;
- The identification of the principle of diversity governing the system of creation and its other subsystems;
- The identification of the principle of control within systems and its fundamental nature;
- The manifestation of the principle of systemic complexity (compositional, structural, and procession);
- The identification of the principle of uncertainty, non-linearity, and chaotic behavior in systems;
- Internality and self-organization as the highest level of control within systems;
- Systemic intelligence in establishing the stability.
In this context, emergent realities give rise to various hypotheses, the most prominent of which are:
- First Hypothesis: Derived from identifying the process of strategic stability and its systemic frameworks, the foremost discernible concept is *diversity*, arising from the internal dynamics of the system. The principle of diversity transforms strategic stability from a simple, univariate state into a flexible and adaptive one. This hypothesis posits systems theory as the starting point for stability theory;
- Second Hypothesis: Arising from non-linear international systems, including the branching dynamics (cf. Ramification rule) of the international system. The international system comprises diversified blocks and branches of order, each possessing behavioral autonomy in establishing stability. In other words, the branching dynamics of the international system have transformed strategic stability into a block-based framework. This hypothesis underscores the necessity of emphasizing network theory;
- Third Hypothesis: Relates to the expansion of communication dynamics and feedback loops. Here, it can be hypothesized that systemic strategic stability is panarchic (cf. Panarchy theory) due to the existence of communicative-feedback mechanisms among blocks and clusters of order. This hypothesis also necessitates incorporating chaos and complexity theory as integral components of theoretical inquiry within strategic stability theory;
- Fourth Hypothesis: Finally, it is hypothesized that the transformation of the international order into a non-linear-complex order and the formation of novel patterns based on networked order, reveals strategic stability within a framework termed nested networks, the rules of which reflect this structure. The practical and theoretical reasoning embedded within this hypothesis guides research towards combining systems theory, network theory, complexity-chaos theory, and nested network theory as the foundation for a modern theoretical inquiry.
Conclusions
Abduction follows a straightforward logical structure. It commences with the observation of emergent phenomena or anomalous occurrences. In this context, if law or principle *A* holds true, then event *B* would be a natural or plausible consequence. It may therefore be inferred that *A* is valid. Strategic stability has encountered diverse emergent phenomena requiring explanation within the contemporary context. These emergent developments have given rise to multiple hypotheses intrinsically linked to the networked nature of stability. Should strategic stability possess a networked character, the emergence of such a stability paradigm would constitute a natural and feasible outcome. Consequently, the research and inferences derived therefrom are predicated on two modes of reasoning: practical reasoning and theoretical reasoning. Practical reasoning emphasizes emergent phenomena within the realm of strategic stability and the resultant hypotheses. This reasoning demonstrates, through empirical realities and theoretical deliberation, the significance of strategic stability-building within the anarchic international system. This process fundamentally underpins the strategic foundations of states within the international order. Stability-building, oriented towards regulatory strategies of systemic structures, encompasses systemic dynamics – including power, systemic cycles, behavioral patterns, and, most notably, order-control paradigms. It is directly linked to the typology of international systems, specifically simple-linear international systems and complex-chaotic (or non-linear) international systems. Emergent realities within the international system and its systemic order engender various hypotheses. These emergent phenomena – characterized by their diversity, systemic bifurcating, feedback cycles, and power-based or network-based communicative dynamics – postulate the network-based architecture of the order structure. Hence, the conceptualization of order and stability-building within the system is framed as Networked Strategic Stability-Building. This conceptual framework inherently embodies the implications of systemic complexity and non-linearity.در کارکرد سیستم‌های بین‌المللی آنارشی، به‌دلیل نبود سیستم رسمی ثبات‌ساز، ثبات‌سازی راهبردی از جایگاه ویژه‌ای برخوردار بوده است و تعیین‌کنندۀ نظم دلخواه کشورها انگاشته می‌شود. در چنین سیستمی، کشورها برای تأمین امنیت و مانایی، به توان ثبات‌سازی خود وابسته‌اند. در این زمینه علم روابط بین‌الملل با مطالعۀ یکی از بزرگ‌ترین سیستم‌های آنارشی یعنی سیستم بین‌الملل سروکار دارد که با پویایی‌های گوناگون در بی‌ثبات‌کنندگی و همچنین ثبات‌سازی روبه‌روست. این سیستم شکل‌بندی‌های گوناگونی را آزمون کرده است که هر کدام دارای الگوهایی از ثبات‌سازی و نظم‌های متمایز برآمده از آن هستند. آنچه میان همگی این الگوها همانند است موضوع جنگ و بی‌ثباتی در نظم‌ها و کنترل نظم و ضرورت ثبات‌سازی به‌عنوان نگرانی بنیادی است. پاسخ به این نگرانی پیوند مستقیمی با گونۀ سیستم‌های بین‌المللی دارد که دربرگیرندۀ سیستم‌های بین‌المللی ساده، پیچیده و آشوبی و به گفته‌ای سیستم‌های بین‌المللی خطی و غیرخطی است. نوپدیدی در گسترۀ نظم و ثبات در سیستم‌های بین‌المللی پیچیده- آشوبی عملاً ادبیات روابط بین‌الملل را با عقب‌ماندگی در این گستره روبه‌رو ساخته است. به همین سبب پرسش محوری پژوهش حاضر الگوی ثبات‌سازی راهبردی در وضعیت غیرخطی نظم بین‌الملل است که در پیوند مستقیمی با محیط عملکردی و کارکردی سیستم بین‌الملل دربرگیرندۀ چهار دامنۀ عادی، پیچیده؛ دامنۀ آشوبی- لبۀ آشوب سیستم و دامۀه نظم پراکنشی است که بر پایۀ چهار دامنۀ یادشده الگوهای ثبات‌سازی نیز جدا می‌شوند. در نظریه‌کاوی برای ثبات‌سازی در وضعیت نوین، ثبات‌سازی راهبردی شبکه‌ای را می‌توان پنداره‌ای نوین برای واقعیت‌های نوین ثبات‌سازی ارائه کرد.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107510_c40968ed499c6f5938534922f4d89073.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923The Ruckus of the Commons or the Decency of the Politician? The Relation of the Politician to Philosophical Life in Leo Strauss's System of Thoughtغوغای عوام یا نجابتِ سیاستمدار؟ نسبت سیاستمدار با زیست فلسفی در منظومة فکری لئو اشتراوس91589110750910.22059/jpq.2026.399826.1008414FAحسینمنصوری مطلقدانشآموخته دکتری علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران.0000-0002-4105-5337Journal Article20250904Introduction
The present study seeks to answer two questions. First, what does Strauss’s invitation to connect with the ancient form of philosophy and politics—or at least to take this ancient form as a starting point for its wise application in today’s society—teach us about the relationship between the philosopher and the politician? Second, what does it tell us about the gentlemanly character that was nurtured within the ancient form of the party? In other words, if Strauss believes that the ancients considered true human happiness to lie in the philosophical life (vita contemplativa), how did political life (vita activa), which was inherently oriented toward the city, relate to this philosophical life in Strauss’s view? Who was responsible for the administration of the city, and how did that person relate to the philosopher?
Our understanding of modern philosophy, according to Strauss, is shaped by the de-politicization of modern philosophy. On the surface, the theory of philosophy does not become positive in politics, or at least it seems to prevent philosophy from becoming ambitious and political, as occurred in the modern era. In a sense, the gentleman is the presence and manifestation of the philosopher in the city. From Strauss’s perspective, the gentleman exists at the dawn of the city, whereas Platonic philosophy was formed at the sunset of the city. Therefore, the gentleman has a more natural view of the nature of the city and political matters than anyone else. The philosopher approaches the city through moderation and wisdom from the perspective of a gentleman, not a partisan. Given the lofty interpretation that Strauss gives to the function or service of ancient political philosophy to philosophy, the city and politics become noble politicians or educated gentlemen who exist in the light of the possibility of philosophy. These gentlemen are not only free from the clamor of the masses, who are unaware of the nature of politics, but are also familiar with the concerns of philosophers and do not fundamentally conflict with philosophical life. Thus, it seems that the gentleman is the political reflection of the philosopher.
Conclusion
Strauss, with the poise and insight of the classics, invites us to read the past in order to illuminate the path of our present, though not as the final solution to the crisis of the times. He does not claim that we should return to the past, for he knows that the structural situation of the city differs from that of ancient Athens. Nevertheless, he consistently affirms the fundamental and constitutive truth of the city and politics that the ancients held, and he wishes to keep this truth in mind. It is because of this neglect of fundamental truth that he considers the politicization of philosophy in the modern era—carried out with the aim of creating a rational world and city—to be dangerous. This politicization not only rendered the ancients’ concept of philosophical life irrelevant to us but also revealed itself through radical programs that claimed to uncover the true nature of man, the world, and the city. Furthermore, when philosophy becomes politicized, it is accompanied by the suppression of the element of belief in the city, which contradicts the common sense of both sages and gentleman politicians. In other words, while philosophy and the philosopher seek truth, in matters of the city and politics, philosophy shares and agrees with the worldview of an enlightened politician who combines reason and madness to shape the city. Strauss argues that no philosophy should neglect the materialist thinking of the man of action—the foresight that remains oblivious to the lord of this lower world. He contends that philosophy in this age has been enslaved and captured by the masses and, under the slogan of universal enlightenment, tries to rationalize the whole, including the city and politics. This program did not bear fruit in the political arena, where the masses were moved through propaganda. For this reason, Strauss recommends that we examine philosophy and politics as understood by the ancients, and he calls this approach the restoration of natural intelligence to political phenomena.این پژوهش به بررسی خوانش لئو اشتراوس از فلاسفة باستان در خصوص نسبت سیاستمدار با زیست فلسفی می‌پردازد. ما در پی پاسخگویی به این دو پرسش هستیم که دعوت اشتراوس از ما جهت ارتباط برقرار کردن با شکل قدمایی تعامل فلسفه و سیاست، یا لااقل قرار دادن این شکل قدمایی به‌عنوان نقطة آغازی در کاربست حکیمانة آنها در جامعة امروزی، نخست چه نکاتی را به ما از رابطة فیلسوف و سیاستمدار آموزش می‌دهد؟ دوم اینکه چه نکاتی را در خصوص منش نجیب‌زادگی (جنتلمنی) که در دل همان شکل قدمایی تعاملْ پرورده می‌شد به ما می‌گوید؟ اشتراوس در واکنش به بحران فلسفة سیاست مدرن ما را به نظارة تعامل زیست فلسفه و زیست سیاست در نزد باستانیان از افلاطون تا کسنونفون دعوت می‌کند؛ آنچه خود او فلسفة سیاسی کلاسیک می‌نامد. هدف، رسیدن به درکی از فهم لئو اشتراوس از نسبت این دو شیوة زیست است. در مرکز این تعاملْ عقل‌گرایی کلاسیک باستانیان و نوع نگاه آنها به فلسفه، شهر، سیاست و سیاستمدار نهفته است. اشتراوس در این بازیابی شعور باستانیان به سیاستْ از نجابتِ سیاستمدار/جنتلمن به‌عنوان کسی که برخلاف فیلسوف در سپیده‌دمان شهر قرار دارد یاد می‌کند. او اعتقاد دارد مرد نجیب (جنتلمن) دیدی طبیعتی‌تر از همگان به طبیعت شهر و امر سیاسی دارد، پس فیلسوف به‌واسطة اعتدال و فطنتْ از چشم‌انداز یک مرد نجیب نه یک پارتیزان به شهر نزدیک می‌شود.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107509_16cb0ba5fa4f0fdb7eb6f719e4e8a681.pdfدانشگاه تهرانفصلنامه سیاست1735-967856320260923Analysis of Conceptual Developments in Political Culture (The Case of Web of Science Database from 1985 to 2024)تحلیل تحولات مفهومی فرهنگی سیاسی در منابع علمی (مطالعۀ موردی: پایگاه وب آو ساینس از 1985 تا 2024)94891710750210.22059/jpq.2026.403954.1008452FAعبدالامیرنبویدانشیار، گروه مطالعات منطقه‌ای، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.مرتضیاکبریاستاد، گروه کارآفرینی فناورانه، دانشکدۀ کارآفرینی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.0000-0001-5215-3349Journal Article20251012Abstract
Objective
This study presents the first comprehensive bibliometric analysis of the conceptual evolution of political culture over four decades (1985–2024). The primary objective is to map the intellectual structure, thematic trajectories, and research networks within political culture scholarship, employing a three-dimensional theoretical framework—semantic (meaning), pragmatic (application), and contextual (settings)—to trace how this foundational concept has transformed from classical national-attitude approaches toward digital, globalized, and interdisciplinary understandings. Additionally, the research identifies influential authors, institutions, and publications while exposing critical research gaps, particularly the underrepresentation of non-Western societies, to guide future inquiry and inform policy design for democratic governance.
Introduction
Political culture has been a central concept in political science since Almond (1956) and Almond and Verba’s (1963) seminal work, The Civic Culture, which established the study of citizens’ orientations toward political systems. Over decades, scholars expanded this framework: Almond and Verba (1989) revisited the civic culture thesis, emphasizing reciprocal causality between culture and structure; Elazar (1984) linked political culture to federalism and state-level governance; Feldman and Zaller (1992) introduced “ambivalence” in American welfare attitudes; North (1990) integrated culture with institutional change; and Tilly (2007) connected cultural patterns to democratization processes. Despite this rich heritage, the literature remains fragmented. Most studies concentrate on Western democracies (Inglehart, 2020; Welzel, 2021), while emerging phenomena—digital participation, populism, post-materialist values, and global interconnectedness—challenge classical frameworks. Few systematic reviews have mapped political culture’s conceptual evolution or identified its thematic clusters, intellectual roots, and emerging frontiers. This gap limits theoretical integration and practical applications. Hence, this study employs bibliometric methods—rarely applied to political culture—to analyze 942 Web of Science articles, offering a quantitative, objective overview that reveals hidden patterns, dominant discourses, and understudied areas.
Methodology
This study adopts a bibliometric approach, a robust quantitative technique for systematically analyzing large scientific corpora to identify trends, networks, and intellectual structures. Data were retrieved from the Clarivate Analytics Web of Science Core Collection, one of the most authoritative global databases. The search strategy restricted results to documents with “political culture” in their titles, published in English between 1985 and 2024. The initial extraction yielded 942 articles, collectively receiving 9,124 citations, averaging 10.43 citations per year. Two primary analytical techniques were applied using VOSviewer software (Van Eck & Waltman, 2009): (1) co-citation analysis, which identifies clusters of frequently co-cited references to uncover the intellectual foundations of political culture research; and (2) co-occurrence (keyword) analysis, which examines the frequency and relationships among keywords appearing together in the same publications to detect thematic clusters and emerging research fronts. Minimum thresholds for inclusion followed standard practices to ensure robust visualization. The resulting networks were interpreted through the three-dimensional theoretical lens—semantic (conceptual shifts), pragmatic (application domains), and contextual (geographical and historical settings)—to trace how political culture has evolved across different scholarly traditions and socio-political contexts. This triangulation of quantitative bibliometric data and qualitative theoretical interpretation enables a nuanced understanding while maintaining objectivity and reproducibility.
Results and Discussion
The findings reveal a steadily upward publication trend, with peaks in 2015 and 2017, indicating growing academic interest. The United States dominates in both productivity and citation impact, followed by the United Kingdom and Germany. Ronald Inglehart ranks as the most cited author (449 citations), with the University of California, Berkeley, and the University of Michigan as leading institutions. The most highly cited article is Feldman and Zaller’s (1992) “The Political Culture of Ambivalence” (439 citations), which illuminated internal value conflicts shaping welfare attitudes. McRobbie’s (2002) study on creative industries (383 citations) and Inglehart’s (1988) “Renaissance of Political Culture” (328 citations) follow closely. Co-occurrence analysis identifies seven thematic clusters: (1) governance and institutional change (legitimacy, populism, corruption); (2) political culture and power structures (identity, inequality, violence, liberalism); (3) political systems and power transitions (authoritarianism, democratization, revolution); (4) education, attitudes, and political participation (youth, civic engagement); (5) media, ideology, and political communication (digital platforms, social networks, polarization); (6) cultural change and societal values (trust, post-materialism, renaissance); and (7) citizenship and political culture (collective identity, social belonging). These clusters demonstrate that political culture has evolved from a static, nationally-bound concept toward a dynamic, multi-layered construct intersecting governance, media, inequality, and digital participation. Co-citation analysis reveals four major intellectual clusters: (1) political culture and democratic change, rooted in Almond and Verba’s civic culture tradition; (2) political culture and challenges of order in changing societies, drawing on Eckstein (1988), Inglehart (1988), and Huntington (1968); (3) federalism and multi-level governance, building on Elazar’s (1984) work; and (4) ideology, culture, and historical-cultural transformations, incorporating Geertz (1973), Habermas (1991), and Thompson et al. (1990). Together, these clusters confirm that political culture has matured into an interdisciplinary field bridging sociology, communication, political economy, and public administration. Significant research gaps persist: non-Western societies remain severely underrepresented, and despite the rise of digital media, only a minority of articles explore digital political culture, online polarization, or algorithmic governance. Theoretically, classical frameworks often assume stable cultural patterns, whereas emerging research shows political culture is fluid, contested, and shaped by transnational flows and generational value shifts (Inglehart, 1997, 2020). These findings call for mixed-method, longitudinal, and comparative approaches capturing both structural continuity and cultural change. Practically, policymakers should invest in civic education, media literacy, and inclusive institutions that foster participatory and resilient political cultures. The study advocates re-conceptualizing political culture not merely as a residual variable but as an autonomous, generative force co-constituting political order, identity, and collective action—thereby providing a comprehensive roadmap for future research and policy design.مفهوم فرهنگ سیاسی از مباحث قدیمی و بنیادین در علم سیاست است که ریشه‌های آن با تاریخ شکل‌گیری این علم گره خورده است. معنای امروزی این مفهوم به دهۀ ۱۹۳۰ بازمی‌گردد و همزمان با شکل‌گیری رهیافت «خصیصۀ ملی» مطرح شد. این پژوهش با به‌کارگیری چارچوب نظری سه‌بعدی (معنایی، کاربردی، زمینه‌ای) به تحلیل تحول مفهوم فرهنگ سیاسی از سطح نگرش‌های ملی تا فرهنگ سیاسی دیجیتال و جهانی‌شده می‌پردازد. در این پژوهش، روند تغییر تحولات مفهوم فرهنگ سیاسی در بازۀ زمانی 1985 تا پایان 2024 در پایگاه وب آو ساینس به‌عنوان معتبرترین پایگاه دادۀ جهان با استفاده از تحلیل 942 مقاله تحلیل شد. تحقیق حاضر با استفاده از روش بیبلیومتریک به‌عنوان یکی از روش‌های رایج در حوزۀ تحلیل سیستماتیک ادبیات انجام گرفت. نتایج نشان داد که بیشترین حجم انتشار در سال‌های 2015 و 2017 اتفاق افتاده است. نتایج تحلیل هم‌استنادی، چهار حوزۀ اصلی تحقیقاتی را شامل فرهنگ سیاسی و تحولات مردم‌سالار، فرهنگ سیاسی و چالش‌های نظم در جوامع در حال تغییر، فدرالیسم و سیاست‌های چندسطحی حکومت و همچنین ایدئولوژی، فرهنگ و تحولات تاریخی-فرهنگی مشخص کرد. علاوه بر نتایج مذکور، تحلیل هم‌رخدادی تحقیقات انجام‌شده را در هفت خوشۀ موضوعی دسته‌بندی کرد که این خوشه‌ها حکمرانی و تحولات نهادی، فرهنگ سیاسی و ساختارهای قدرت، نظام‌های سیاسی و تحولات قدرت، آموزش، نگرش‌ها و مشارکت سیاسی، رسانه، ایدئولوژی و ارتباطات سیاسی، تحولات فرهنگی و ارزش‌های جامعه و شهروندی و فرهنگ سیاسی نامگذاری شدند.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_107502_ea73038fb130a7acf48f268b28e22c8a.pdf