POLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823DISCURSIVE CONCEPTUALIZING OF STUDENT MOVEMENT IN IRAN
(CASE STUDY: OFFICE FOR STRENGTHENING UNITY)DISCURSIVE CONCEPTUALIZING OF STUDENT MOVEMENT IN IRAN
(CASE STUDY: OFFICE FOR STRENGTHENING UNITY)2192495238810.22059/jpq.2014.52388FAHosseinKachoianAssociate Professor, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences
University of TehranAbdolhoseinKalantariAssistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences
University of TehranJournal Article20121210The objective of the paper is to conceptualizing and discursive periodization of<br />Office for Strengthening Unity since its establishment, based on Foucauldian<br />discourse theories and conceptions like archaeology and genealogy, using discourse<br />analysis for understanding tradition and modernity. Furthermore, the aim of this<br />paper is, by clarifying discursive characteristics of every period, in terms of its<br />relevance to tradition-modernity discourse, to show discursive formation of different<br />periods and their thresholds. Then, by applying Foucauldian archaeology and his<br />methodological strategies, one determined propositions (influential verbal and<br />nonverbal actions) as population and purposed sampling as sampling method that<br />continued until no new data appear. Findings showed that one can distinct five<br />periods including: “Evolution from religious intellectualism to pure Islam<br />discourse”; “reproduction of pure Islam discourse”; “evolution from pure Islam<br />discourse to religious intellectualism”; and “evolution from religious intellectualism<br />to modern discourse and intensifying of discursive scattering points” and “formation<br />and deepening of two conflicting discourses (modern discourse and pure Islam<br />discourse”.The objective of the paper is to conceptualizing and discursive periodization of<br />Office for Strengthening Unity since its establishment, based on Foucauldian<br />discourse theories and conceptions like archaeology and genealogy, using discourse<br />analysis for understanding tradition and modernity. Furthermore, the aim of this<br />paper is, by clarifying discursive characteristics of every period, in terms of its<br />relevance to tradition-modernity discourse, to show discursive formation of different<br />periods and their thresholds. Then, by applying Foucauldian archaeology and his<br />methodological strategies, one determined propositions (influential verbal and<br />nonverbal actions) as population and purposed sampling as sampling method that<br />continued until no new data appear. Findings showed that one can distinct five<br />periods including: “Evolution from religious intellectualism to pure Islam<br />discourse”; “reproduction of pure Islam discourse”; “evolution from pure Islam<br />discourse to religious intellectualism”; and “evolution from religious intellectualism<br />to modern discourse and intensifying of discursive scattering points” and “formation<br />and deepening of two conflicting discourses (modern discourse and pure Islam<br />discourse”.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52388_258853a5ffda4a5232e9bbfe439b379b.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823CONSTITUTIONALISM IN THE WEST OF IRAN:
THE CASE OF LAK AND LUR TRIBES IN WETERN ZAGROSCONSTITUTIONALISM IN THE WEST OF IRAN:
THE CASE OF LAK AND LUR TRIBES IN WETERN ZAGROS2512705238910.22059/jpq.2014.52389FAHamidAhmadiProfessor, Political Science Department, University of Tehran0000-0001-6867-7139SabriehKaramshahiPh.D Candidate in Political Science, Tarbiat Modarres UniversityJournal Article20111114The main concern of this article is to explain why the Iranian Constitutional<br />Revolution, which with its anti despotic nature attracted many Iranian cities around<br />the country, was not welcomed among the Iranian basically tribal areas of the<br />Western Zagros Mountain and why the local elites did not supported the new<br />established constitutional government. In fact there was not a coherence reaction to<br />this political event in Iran. The authors focus on Simarah area of western Zagros, or<br />Pishkooh and Poshtkooh as the local Lak and Lor tribes and others used to call it.<br />Two concepts of nomadic-tribal discourse and urban-constitutional discourse are<br />used to analyze and thus explain the causes of such lack of support to<br />constitutionalism. The constitutional discourse was not welcomed, except for<br />specific cases, by Simarah tribes. This went back to the influence of a political<br />discourse in which factors such as the love for the king (Shah), across borders living,<br />and centre fugal tendencies played the main role as contrast to the discourse of<br />constitutionalism based on the spirit of urbanism, centralization and<br />authoritarianism.The main concern of this article is to explain why the Iranian Constitutional<br />Revolution, which with its anti despotic nature attracted many Iranian cities around<br />the country, was not welcomed among the Iranian basically tribal areas of the<br />Western Zagros Mountain and why the local elites did not supported the new<br />established constitutional government. In fact there was not a coherence reaction to<br />this political event in Iran. The authors focus on Simarah area of western Zagros, or<br />Pishkooh and Poshtkooh as the local Lak and Lor tribes and others used to call it.<br />Two concepts of nomadic-tribal discourse and urban-constitutional discourse are<br />used to analyze and thus explain the causes of such lack of support to<br />constitutionalism. The constitutional discourse was not welcomed, except for<br />specific cases, by Simarah tribes. This went back to the influence of a political<br />discourse in which factors such as the love for the king (Shah), across borders living,<br />and centre fugal tendencies played the main role as contrast to the discourse of<br />constitutionalism based on the spirit of urbanism, centralization and<br />authoritarianism.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52389_1779fec2b12e0751d96f505b4ed2ba29.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823CAPITALISM AND WORLD FOOD PROBLEMCAPITALISM AND WORLD FOOD PROBLEM2732895239010.22059/jpq.2014.52390FAMahmoudGhafouriAssociate Professor, Faculty of Law & Theology, Shahid Bahonar University of
KermanMohammadDavandM.A. Student, Diplomacy and International Organizations, Shahid Bahonar
University of KermanJournal Article20131104Studies show that there is enough food for all of people of the world, but in recent<br />decades the number of those who suffer from hunger is increasingly rising.<br />Although much effort has been done to reduce or even eradicate hunger by<br />international organizations and agreements, yet the problem exists so far. Therefore<br />this article tries to analyze the consequences of seemingly contradictory actions of<br />capitalism regarding hunger. First the relationship of capitalism and food problem is<br />described. Then the role of international organization and treaties in reducing hunger<br />is discussed. Later it is shown how capitalist system intensifies hunger. Finally the<br />impact of hunger on world affairs is described.Studies show that there is enough food for all of people of the world, but in recent<br />decades the number of those who suffer from hunger is increasingly rising.<br />Although much effort has been done to reduce or even eradicate hunger by<br />international organizations and agreements, yet the problem exists so far. Therefore<br />this article tries to analyze the consequences of seemingly contradictory actions of<br />capitalism regarding hunger. First the relationship of capitalism and food problem is<br />described. Then the role of international organization and treaties in reducing hunger<br />is discussed. Later it is shown how capitalist system intensifies hunger. Finally the<br />impact of hunger on world affairs is described.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52390_eec7093d85adef1a443135747a84d8f5.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823RUSSIA’S RESURGENCE IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM AND THE INCREASE IN US RUSSIAN
RELATIONS; 2000-2008RUSSIA’S RESURGENCE IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM AND THE INCREASE IN US RUSSIAN
RELATIONS; 2000-20082913125239110.22059/jpq.2014.52391FAFarhadAtaiAssociate Professor, Political Science Department, University of TehranFatemehTaftianMA, Political Science Department, University of TehranJournal Article20111226After the collapse of Soviet Union and the end of Cold War, during the 1990s, there<br />were different periods of peaceful and strained relations between the United States<br />and the Russian Federation. George Bush’s coming to power in U.S. and Vladimir<br />Putin’s in Russia in 2000 marked a new era in U.S.-Soviet relations. This era started<br />peacefully and after 11 September, Putin’s support for the US increased. He also<br />continued his support for America’s war in Afghanistan. But, as USA considered<br />Russia’s regime oppressive and non-democratic, U.S.-Russia relations became<br />strained. Tensions heightened by later events and culminated during Russia-Ossetia<br />war in 2008. In fact, Washington-Moscow relations from 2000 to 2008 slowly<br />deteriorated. This article suggests that one major reason behind the increased<br />tensions between the two countries was Russia’s resurgence on the international<br />scene. It provided Russia an opportunity to react more forcefully against the US’s<br />unilateral policies. This, in turn, induced America’s response to Russia’s actions,<br />resulting in a period of tensions in U.S-Russia relations.After the collapse of Soviet Union and the end of Cold War, during the 1990s, there<br />were different periods of peaceful and strained relations between the United States<br />and the Russian Federation. George Bush’s coming to power in U.S. and Vladimir<br />Putin’s in Russia in 2000 marked a new era in U.S.-Soviet relations. This era started<br />peacefully and after 11 September, Putin’s support for the US increased. He also<br />continued his support for America’s war in Afghanistan. But, as USA considered<br />Russia’s regime oppressive and non-democratic, U.S.-Russia relations became<br />strained. Tensions heightened by later events and culminated during Russia-Ossetia<br />war in 2008. In fact, Washington-Moscow relations from 2000 to 2008 slowly<br />deteriorated. This article suggests that one major reason behind the increased<br />tensions between the two countries was Russia’s resurgence on the international<br />scene. It provided Russia an opportunity to react more forcefully against the US’s<br />unilateral policies. This, in turn, induced America’s response to Russia’s actions,<br />resulting in a period of tensions in U.S-Russia relations.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52391_fccd1cbb829ac7b2587da37423f3a75b.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823STUDYING POLITICAL-SECURITY RELATIONSHIP OF U.S.A WITH INDIA, (2008-2012)STUDYING POLITICAL-SECURITY RELATIONSHIP OF U.S.A WITH INDIA, (2008-2012)3133325239210.22059/jpq.2014.52392FASeyed DavoodAghaeeProfessor, Political Science Department, University of TehranSeyed HedayatollahAghdaeeM.A. International Relations, University of TehranJournal Article20120509Through termination of cold war and in the way of attempts of U.S.A for continuing<br />cooperation with newly established powerful counties in order to obtain modern<br />global discipline the relationships between U.S.A and India was increased and<br />reached to its climax during presidency of George Bush. Nevertheless, this growth<br />of bilateral relationship was very reduced by selecting Obama as president of U.S.A.<br />Therefore, this question is raised that what is the main reason for reducing bilateral<br />relationship between U.S.A and India during presidency of Obama? It seems that<br />incompatibility of U.S.A and India benefits and changing attitude of U.S.A toward<br />global problems, regional and international rivals during presidency of Obama, is of<br />the principal reasons of reducing their bilateral relationship. Whereas importance of<br />cooperation between India and U.S.A and great influence for mutual relationship of<br />both countries as important variable, this article investigates political-security<br />relationship of U.S.A and India and related evolutions after presidency of Obama<br />from 2008 until 2012.Through termination of cold war and in the way of attempts of U.S.A for continuing<br />cooperation with newly established powerful counties in order to obtain modern<br />global discipline the relationships between U.S.A and India was increased and<br />reached to its climax during presidency of George Bush. Nevertheless, this growth<br />of bilateral relationship was very reduced by selecting Obama as president of U.S.A.<br />Therefore, this question is raised that what is the main reason for reducing bilateral<br />relationship between U.S.A and India during presidency of Obama? It seems that<br />incompatibility of U.S.A and India benefits and changing attitude of U.S.A toward<br />global problems, regional and international rivals during presidency of Obama, is of<br />the principal reasons of reducing their bilateral relationship. Whereas importance of<br />cooperation between India and U.S.A and great influence for mutual relationship of<br />both countries as important variable, this article investigates political-security<br />relationship of U.S.A and India and related evolutions after presidency of Obama<br />from 2008 until 2012.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52392_06ff1c37c394e9c3b5127a7ca29a3397.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823LEGITIMATION FACTORS IN POLITICAL SYSTEMSLEGITIMATION FACTORS IN POLITICAL SYSTEMS3353505239310.22059/jpq.2014.52393FAEbrahimMotaghiProfessor, Department of Political Science, University of TehranFarhadKeramatAssistant Professor, Political Science, University of Payame NoorJournal Article20110312Legitimacy is one of the factors by which governments justify their dominance and<br />application of power, therefore each State that suffers from the lack of legitimacy<br />cannot apply its power as it used to do, but recourses to the rude force to rule upon<br />people. In this article, our discussion is about the quality of the legitimization of<br />governments in order to continue their authority. In the other words, the political<br />systems justify their own legitimacy through emphasizing upon a series of certain<br />factors; therefore rightness, acceptance, lawful and effectiveness.Legitimacy is one of the factors by which governments justify their dominance and<br />application of power, therefore each State that suffers from the lack of legitimacy<br />cannot apply its power as it used to do, but recourses to the rude force to rule upon<br />people. In this article, our discussion is about the quality of the legitimization of<br />governments in order to continue their authority. In the other words, the political<br />systems justify their own legitimacy through emphasizing upon a series of certain<br />factors; therefore rightness, acceptance, lawful and effectiveness.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52393_c0249df2f6e2007fa84e56c5f573973e.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823POLITICAL CULTURE IN SAUDI ARABIA, ANALYSIS OF STATICNESS AND ONCOMING CHALLENGESPOLITICAL CULTURE IN SAUDI ARABIA, ANALYSIS OF STATICNESS AND ONCOMING CHALLENGES3513705239410.22059/jpq.2014.52394FAKh.SardarniaAssociate Professor, Political Science Department, Universityof ShirazHoseinNorousi AmiriM.A Student in University of Allame TabatabaiJournal Article20140107Political culture is combination of beliefs, attitudes and awarenesses that shape<br />political behavior of a group or nation. In past, political culture of nations had been<br />institutionalized but today has been changed to participatory political culture by<br />reasons such as structural developments, information and communication revolution<br />and globalization. In this article, the authors by using the approach of political<br />economy try to answer this question, why has been static and continuance the<br />subjugate political culture in Saudi Arabia? And too, by using the political<br />sociological approach, explain the important reasons for the metamorphose in the<br />political culture of Saudi society specially educates and urban youth from subjugate<br />to participatory. The authors believe that such changes from 1990s onward<br />especially at two last days, has made serious challenges for Saudi government and in<br />the future, these challenges would oblige the government to the acceptation of more<br />reformation.Political culture is combination of beliefs, attitudes and awarenesses that shape<br />political behavior of a group or nation. In past, political culture of nations had been<br />institutionalized but today has been changed to participatory political culture by<br />reasons such as structural developments, information and communication revolution<br />and globalization. In this article, the authors by using the approach of political<br />economy try to answer this question, why has been static and continuance the<br />subjugate political culture in Saudi Arabia? And too, by using the political<br />sociological approach, explain the important reasons for the metamorphose in the<br />political culture of Saudi society specially educates and urban youth from subjugate<br />to participatory. The authors believe that such changes from 1990s onward<br />especially at two last days, has made serious challenges for Saudi government and in<br />the future, these challenges would oblige the government to the acceptation of more<br />reformation.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52394_b647b980100330033415b856c11914ad.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823THE ANALYSIS OF CULTURAL, LINGUISTIC AND POLITICAL MOVEMENT OF CATALONIA (CATALANISM)THE ANALYSIS OF CULTURAL, LINGUISTIC AND POLITICAL MOVEMENT OF CATALONIA (CATALANISM)3713895239510.22059/jpq.2014.52395FAHosseinZahmatkeshAssistant Professor, Political Science Department, University of TehranNaserHekmatnejadPhd Student in European Studies, University of TehranJournal Article20140107One of the most important issues in current Catalonia's politics is the catalanism<br />movement. Catalanism is a cultural, linguistic and then political movement that<br />advocates for the cultural and political recognition of catalonia within spain. The<br />present article aims to discover the establishing process of this movement. Research<br />findings show that Catalonia's movement, at the beginning, had a cultural and<br />linguistic nature. In nineteenth century, 3 critical junctures (a period of significant<br />change) including failure of the building of nation-state in Spain; economic<br />differences between the two territories (Catalonia and Spain) and Catalonia's<br />military occupation by Spain occurred and have formed the Catalonia's cultural and<br />linguistic movement. These 3 pre-conditions interacted with 3 other critical<br />junctures in twentieth century naming passing a new law to judge civil cases under<br />the military rule, putting an end to the second republic in Spain (1931-1939) by<br />Franco, and finally the transition from dictatorship to democracy, and laid the<br />foundations of political nationalism. In the second and third parts of this essay, to<br />better understand the Catalanism movement, catalonia's cultural and linguistic<br />structure and the European Union's position towards catalonia's independence will<br />be discussed.<br /><br />One of the most important issues in current Catalonia's politics is the catalanism<br />movement. Catalanism is a cultural, linguistic and then political movement that<br />advocates for the cultural and political recognition of catalonia within spain. The<br />present article aims to discover the establishing process of this movement. Research<br />findings show that Catalonia's movement, at the beginning, had a cultural and<br />linguistic nature. In nineteenth century, 3 critical junctures (a period of significant<br />change) including failure of the building of nation-state in Spain; economic<br />differences between the two territories (Catalonia and Spain) and Catalonia's<br />military occupation by Spain occurred and have formed the Catalonia's cultural and<br />linguistic movement. These 3 pre-conditions interacted with 3 other critical<br />junctures in twentieth century naming passing a new law to judge civil cases under<br />the military rule, putting an end to the second republic in Spain (1931-1939) by<br />Franco, and finally the transition from dictatorship to democracy, and laid the<br />foundations of political nationalism. In the second and third parts of this essay, to<br />better understand the Catalanism movement, catalonia's cultural and linguistic<br />structure and the European Union's position towards catalonia's independence will<br />be discussed.<br /><br />https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52395_ed135bade5e3698b161a74cd904dc001.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823THE ROLE OF POLITICAL ISLAM POLITICAL PRE-PLANNING ROLE MANAGEMENT SYSTEMTHE ROLE OF POLITICAL ISLAM POLITICAL PRE-PLANNING ROLE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM3934055239810.22059/jpq.2014.52398FAHosseinMotafakerAssistant Professor, University of Payame noorJournal Article20121014This paper describes the extension of the measure is that much of the thinking<br />To prevent the occurrence of corporate events and political system. Hence, we tried<br />to explain the importance and necessity of political management, futures planning,<br />the need to resort to the strategy plan. The conditions and factors that are driving<br />mobile applications pre-planning models: Cause-and-effect model - Ring. The role<br />of knowledge and insight on the political, theological creeds and scientific matters<br />relating to the splitting angles and finally Essential and fundamental principles of<br />design in political management programs are offered as a conclusion.This paper describes the extension of the measure is that much of the thinking<br />To prevent the occurrence of corporate events and political system. Hence, we tried<br />to explain the importance and necessity of political management, futures planning,<br />the need to resort to the strategy plan. The conditions and factors that are driving<br />mobile applications pre-planning models: Cause-and-effect model - Ring. The role<br />of knowledge and insight on the political, theological creeds and scientific matters<br />relating to the splitting angles and finally Essential and fundamental principles of<br />design in political management programs are offered as a conclusion.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52398_4901c2220f3caa85455e235a6f6773ce.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823CIVIC VIRTUE IN MOWLANA’S IRFANIC THOUGHTCIVIC VIRTUE IN MOWLANA’S IRFANIC THOUGHT4074295239910.22059/jpq.2014.52399FAAbbasManoocheriAssociate Professor, Political Science, Tarbiat Modarres UniversityYadollahHonari Latif PourAssistant Professor, Political Science, Buali – Sina UniversityJournal Article20130722One of the basic components of political thought is the notion of "civic virtue".<br />Civic virtue is an important concept that the accomplishment of the ultimate<br />objectives of politics depends on its development in human society.<br />In this article, we review the important writings of great Iranian aref, Jalal-al-din<br />Muhammad Balkhi, known as Mowlana, and analyze political capacities and<br />capabilities of his thoughts based on Sprigens' theoretic framework and<br />paradigmatic-implicative theory. The article claims that, based on cognitive,<br />normative and explanatory implications of Mowlana's thoughts, his thoughts contain<br />important elements like love, friendship, tolerance, and politico-social criticism.One of the basic components of political thought is the notion of "civic virtue".<br />Civic virtue is an important concept that the accomplishment of the ultimate<br />objectives of politics depends on its development in human society.<br />In this article, we review the important writings of great Iranian aref, Jalal-al-din<br />Muhammad Balkhi, known as Mowlana, and analyze political capacities and<br />capabilities of his thoughts based on Sprigens' theoretic framework and<br />paradigmatic-implicative theory. The article claims that, based on cognitive,<br />normative and explanatory implications of Mowlana's thoughts, his thoughts contain<br />important elements like love, friendship, tolerance, and politico-social criticism.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52399_f0eb15db343e339370dd259d91e0c00e.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823FOUCAULT AND HABERMAS DIALOGUE ABOUT THE FOUNDATIONS OF MODERNITY: HUMANISM, DISCOURSE
AND DEMOCRACYFOUCAULT AND HABERMAS DIALOGUE ABOUT THE FOUNDATIONS OF MODERNITY: HUMANISM, DISCOURSE
AND DEMOCRACY4314465240010.22059/jpq.2014.52400FASeyyed HosseinAthariAssistant Professor; Political Science at Ferdowsi, University of Mashhad0000-0001-7332-4848Journal Article20121224Over other competing discourses importance to debate on his fundamental issues. It<br />Seems ideal position of modernity cannot reach to final conclusions about its<br />propositions But it is a defense possibility of some kind of contrapuntal.<br />Philosophical debate about the foundations of modernity including results that has<br />brought the polyphonic. Different people with different views Engage in critical<br />dialogue on the basis of this foundations and adds the interpretation above other<br />previous interpretation about it. From this endless debate Arise Methodological<br />perspectives lead to important results about reform of current trends. Foucault and<br />Habermas were great thinkers of this century that their debate reflects a sound of<br />polyphonic. Modernity is the important issues that have discuss these two together<br />about his central themes. it seems to have conflicting views on this issue However,<br />both sounds are considered within modernity. In fact, his views on the modernity<br />they have given serious warnings about its future .The main purpose of the present<br />article is examination of Habermas and Foucault debate about modernity and its<br />three pillars, namely humanism, dialogue and democracy.Over other competing discourses importance to debate on his fundamental issues. It<br />Seems ideal position of modernity cannot reach to final conclusions about its<br />propositions But it is a defense possibility of some kind of contrapuntal.<br />Philosophical debate about the foundations of modernity including results that has<br />brought the polyphonic. Different people with different views Engage in critical<br />dialogue on the basis of this foundations and adds the interpretation above other<br />previous interpretation about it. From this endless debate Arise Methodological<br />perspectives lead to important results about reform of current trends. Foucault and<br />Habermas were great thinkers of this century that their debate reflects a sound of<br />polyphonic. Modernity is the important issues that have discuss these two together<br />about his central themes. it seems to have conflicting views on this issue However,<br />both sounds are considered within modernity. In fact, his views on the modernity<br />they have given serious warnings about its future .The main purpose of the present<br />article is examination of Habermas and Foucault debate about modernity and its<br />three pillars, namely humanism, dialogue and democracy.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52400_babf0e456fba339860fcdf865eac0f70.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY, SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THE WORLD’S PUBLIC SPHERE
(ON JÜRGEN HABERMAS’S COMMUNICATIVE RATIONALITY)DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY, SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THE WORLD’S PUBLIC SPHERE
(ON JÜRGEN HABERMAS’S COMMUNICATIVE RATIONALITY)4474615240110.22059/jpq.2014.52401FAAlirezaSamiee EsfahaniAssistant Professor, Political Science Department, Yasouj UniversitySajjadMiraliM.A Student, Political Science Department, Yasouj UniversityJournal Article20130430Certainly, democracy, the public sphere of human activity, why do people in this<br />area tend to interact with each other and Express their demands and interests. Social<br />movements, which Expresses the demands of the people, in the public arena are<br />formed and are active. But to explain the activities of new social movements, such<br />as the mobilization of additional benefits based on rational choice theory, would be<br />helpful. The reason for this change of representation, and in particular the objectives<br />of these movements the way activities. The movements of the other follows<br />Individual and group interests are focused on the use of instrumental rationality<br />theories are trivial. What is the main concern of the study, methods of analysis and<br />explain how the activities and purposes, by the new social movements. With regard<br />to the active The public sphere ities of these movements are spreading out and based<br />on dialogue and communication are, the basic relationship can be drawn between<br />them and Hagerman’s theory of deliberative democracy .thus, on the one hand, the<br />activities of these movements in its limitless, and on the other hand, the world wide<br />intents and purposes they are and what binds these two together, the sense of<br />Hagerman’s communicative rationality. In fact, this research seeks to explore and<br />demonstrate the implications of Hagerman’s theory of communicative rationality is<br />that the social movement has gone way up. According to the world wide conjectural<br />goalsT both from the perspective of Hagerman’s Deliberative Democracy, and new<br />social movements, and also the mode of communication and dialogue, on bedsides<br />can be significant coordination between the two was observed. This paper argues<br />that, as a new social movement, like movement for disarmament, green movement,<br />borrowed from the Hagerman’s deliberative democracy, whether in practice or in<br />terms of this theory have been affected, various aspects of this relationship that is<br />trying to be portrayed. Methods of this descriptive-analytical and using library<br />resources and documents.Certainly, democracy, the public sphere of human activity, why do people in this<br />area tend to interact with each other and Express their demands and interests. Social<br />movements, which Expresses the demands of the people, in the public arena are<br />formed and are active. But to explain the activities of new social movements, such<br />as the mobilization of additional benefits based on rational choice theory, would be<br />helpful. The reason for this change of representation, and in particular the objectives<br />of these movements the way activities. The movements of the other follows<br />Individual and group interests are focused on the use of instrumental rationality<br />theories are trivial. What is the main concern of the study, methods of analysis and<br />explain how the activities and purposes, by the new social movements. With regard<br />to the active The public sphere ities of these movements are spreading out and based<br />on dialogue and communication are, the basic relationship can be drawn between<br />them and Hagerman’s theory of deliberative democracy .thus, on the one hand, the<br />activities of these movements in its limitless, and on the other hand, the world wide<br />intents and purposes they are and what binds these two together, the sense of<br />Hagerman’s communicative rationality. In fact, this research seeks to explore and<br />demonstrate the implications of Hagerman’s theory of communicative rationality is<br />that the social movement has gone way up. According to the world wide conjectural<br />goalsT both from the perspective of Hagerman’s Deliberative Democracy, and new<br />social movements, and also the mode of communication and dialogue, on bedsides<br />can be significant coordination between the two was observed. This paper argues<br />that, as a new social movement, like movement for disarmament, green movement,<br />borrowed from the Hagerman’s deliberative democracy, whether in practice or in<br />terms of this theory have been affected, various aspects of this relationship that is<br />trying to be portrayed. Methods of this descriptive-analytical and using library<br />resources and documents.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52401_32ab57b42e1cb70db946ae6dec84f973.pdfPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967844220140823AbstractAbstract1125240210.22059/jpq.2014.52402FAJournal Article20150107https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_52402_6cf9391050c719733bc94eeebf460e56.pdf