University of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221THE ANATOMY OF SAUDI INVASION OF YEMEN: GEOPOLITICS, DOMESTIC CRISIS MILIEU AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICSTHE ANATOMY OF SAUDI INVASION OF YEMEN: GEOPOLITICS, DOMESTIC CRISIS MILIEU AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS8178385992810.22059/jpq.2016.59928FAHamidAhmadiProfessor, Political Sciences Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran0000-0001-6867-7139AfsaneKhosraviPh. D Candidate in International Relations, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Branch, IranJournal Article20160103This article tends to explain the reasons behind the Saudi invasion of Yemen in March 2015. The authors argue that contrary to the current conventional perception among some Middle Eastern researchers, the Yemen-Saudi relations have been less friendly but endemic with continuous tension and conflict. This historical distrust has increased the recent level of tension between the two. The main hypothesis presented here is that a three lateral model in which geopolitics, domestic crisis milieu and international politics are the main composing variables, can present a better explanation of the Saudi invasion. On the basis of such framework, the authors start with the historical tensions of Saudi and Yemen, then concentrate on the main three explanatory variables.This article tends to explain the reasons behind the Saudi invasion of Yemen in March 2015. The authors argue that contrary to the current conventional perception among some Middle Eastern researchers, the Yemen-Saudi relations have been less friendly but endemic with continuous tension and conflict. This historical distrust has increased the recent level of tension between the two. The main hypothesis presented here is that a three lateral model in which geopolitics, domestic crisis milieu and international politics are the main composing variables, can present a better explanation of the Saudi invasion. On the basis of such framework, the authors start with the historical tensions of Saudi and Yemen, then concentrate on the main three explanatory variables.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59928_30763202b3e5355087c98e1888509216.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE INFLUENCE OF CONTINENTAL AND ANALYTICAL PHILOSOPHY ON THE RELIGIOUS INNOVATORS IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN (WITH AN EMPHASIS ON REZA DAVARI ARDAKANI AND ABDOLKARIM SOROUSH)A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE INFLUENCE OF CONTINENTAL AND ANALYTICAL PHILOSOPHY ON THE RELIGIOUS INNOVATORS IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN (WITH AN EMPHASIS ON REZA DAVARI ARDAKANI AND ABDOLKARIM SOROUSH)8398595992910.22059/jpq.2016.59929FAArefBarkhordariAssistant Professor, Department of Political Thought, Center for Graduate Islamic Revolution Studies, University of Tehran, Iran0000-0002-1585-3175Journal Article20150519The two discourses with a focus on Reza Davari Ardekani and Abdolkarim Soroush, were formed in Iran’s society. Soroush’s discourse, with religious interests influenced by Islamic sources, Poper’s philosophy of science, logic and epistemological accuracies of analytical philosophy and consciously liberalism, is looking for compatibility with modernity. The second discourse on Reza Davari Ardakani thought and its intellectual ancestry, i.e., Ahmad Fardid in combination with the religious, identical, Heideggerian and Continental interests began to deal with anti-modern interpretations such as, the defense of philosophy in opposition to the oriented logic and scientism, the use of anti-Enlightenment Western assumptions about society, politics, religion, science, and the religious stance against subjectivity or the rationality of modern man as well. The discourses, each in turn, had a significant impact on forming political and social attitudes, both religious and non-religious, and sought to respond to the problems raised in Iran’s community. Discussions of both discourses (some consider them philosophical and others ideological), which have their roots in pre-Islamic Revolution, began with disputes from the beginning of Revolution and consistently the differences reached their peak. But in recent times, the discussions of the two thinkers came closer together, and partly achieved some common standpoints. The aim of present paper, therefore, is to study the thoughts of Reza Davari Ardekani and Abdolkarim Soroush, influenced by Continental and Analytic philosophy, using a Comparative research method. It is explained how Soroush, consciously, with his religious interests, sought to become compatibile with modernity; but unlike such approach, the stance of Davari Ardekani, along with his own religious interests, was against subjectivity or modern rationality.The two discourses with a focus on Reza Davari Ardekani and Abdolkarim Soroush, were formed in Iran’s society. Soroush’s discourse, with religious interests influenced by Islamic sources, Poper’s philosophy of science, logic and epistemological accuracies of analytical philosophy and consciously liberalism, is looking for compatibility with modernity. The second discourse on Reza Davari Ardakani thought and its intellectual ancestry, i.e., Ahmad Fardid in combination with the religious, identical, Heideggerian and Continental interests began to deal with anti-modern interpretations such as, the defense of philosophy in opposition to the oriented logic and scientism, the use of anti-Enlightenment Western assumptions about society, politics, religion, science, and the religious stance against subjectivity or the rationality of modern man as well. The discourses, each in turn, had a significant impact on forming political and social attitudes, both religious and non-religious, and sought to respond to the problems raised in Iran’s community. Discussions of both discourses (some consider them philosophical and others ideological), which have their roots in pre-Islamic Revolution, began with disputes from the beginning of Revolution and consistently the differences reached their peak. But in recent times, the discussions of the two thinkers came closer together, and partly achieved some common standpoints. The aim of present paper, therefore, is to study the thoughts of Reza Davari Ardekani and Abdolkarim Soroush, influenced by Continental and Analytic philosophy, using a Comparative research method. It is explained how Soroush, consciously, with his religious interests, sought to become compatibile with modernity; but unlike such approach, the stance of Davari Ardekani, along with his own religious interests, was against subjectivity or modern rationality.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59929_f421043a05c059372cde617483b0cc07.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221STATE AND HUMAN CAPITAL POLICY IN IRAN (2005-2013)STATE AND HUMAN CAPITAL POLICY IN IRAN (2005-2013)8618805993010.22059/jpq.2016.59930FAAlirezaHeidariAssistant Professor, Farhangian University, IranJournal Article20151101Although improvement and accumulation of human capital depends on state policy, every state hasn't this capability. Meritocratic bureaucracies, extractive capability, accountability and rationalization of relations with society promote capacity and autonomy in developmental state model. According to the study hypothesis, structure and nature of the ninth and tenth governments was the main obstacle to human capital development policy. Some of the most important factors that cause these problems are continuation of populist policies, ignoring laws, expansionary and redistributive policies, weak and unprofessional bureaucracy, lack of constructive interaction with other components of the system, irrational and inappropriate decisions, and negligence of international capacities and inefficient structure of rentier state. As a result, this state in comparison with developmental states, despite oil boom, couldn't reasonably conduct and manage process of human capital development policy due to institutional weakness.Although improvement and accumulation of human capital depends on state policy, every state hasn't this capability. Meritocratic bureaucracies, extractive capability, accountability and rationalization of relations with society promote capacity and autonomy in developmental state model. According to the study hypothesis, structure and nature of the ninth and tenth governments was the main obstacle to human capital development policy. Some of the most important factors that cause these problems are continuation of populist policies, ignoring laws, expansionary and redistributive policies, weak and unprofessional bureaucracy, lack of constructive interaction with other components of the system, irrational and inappropriate decisions, and negligence of international capacities and inefficient structure of rentier state. As a result, this state in comparison with developmental states, despite oil boom, couldn't reasonably conduct and manage process of human capital development policy due to institutional weakness.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59930_676c6ba546db26366a011c19329ec5aa.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221CHINA AND DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIONS WITH LATIN AMERICA (HU JINTAO ERA)CHINA AND DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIONS WITH LATIN AMERICA (HU JINTAO ERA)8819005993110.22059/jpq.2016.59931FABaharehSazmandAssociate Professor, International Relations, University of Tehran, Iran0000-0003-4838-8430FariborzArghavani PirsalamiAssistant Professor, International Relations, University of Shiraz, IranJournal Article20141008The purpose of this article is to deal with causes and trends of China and Latin America foreign policy in Hu Jintao era. Before Hu presidency, China had more tendency to promoting relations with the West, but during this period (Hu’s era) third world countries like Africa and Latin America countries gained their precedent positions in China foreign policy. The main question raised here, is “why had China relations with Latin America in Hu’s era promoted?”. The article argues that some factors such as internal, regional and international requirements in addition to Hu’s characteristics in governance effected China policy toward Latin America and resulted in expansion of relation between China and the region.The purpose of this article is to deal with causes and trends of China and Latin America foreign policy in Hu Jintao era. Before Hu presidency, China had more tendency to promoting relations with the West, but during this period (Hu’s era) third world countries like Africa and Latin America countries gained their precedent positions in China foreign policy. The main question raised here, is “why had China relations with Latin America in Hu’s era promoted?”. The article argues that some factors such as internal, regional and international requirements in addition to Hu’s characteristics in governance effected China policy toward Latin America and resulted in expansion of relation between China and the region.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59931_6e05feca3b55ee87cd95bc659f941957.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221NORMATIVISM IN POLITICAL THEORYNORMATIVISM IN POLITICAL THEORY9019175993210.22059/jpq.2016.59932FAMohammadShojaiyanAssistant Professor, Department of Political Sciences, Research Institute of Hawzah and University, IranJournal Article20150829A major approach in explaining the concept of political theory was thinking exclusively about its descriptive character. This approach was the dominant one in the middle decades of the twentieth century. But after the collapse of the pervasive project of positivism, the context of political theorizing has greatly changed and normativity and contemplating political theorizing with regard to values and ideals of political life was considered to a large scale. The basis of the present research on political theory was this fundamental fact that all political theories led to the political action and their purpose is to create social realities. Political theory should be known as akind of study mainly directed towards the "dos" and "don'ts" of political sphere. This reflects the issues to be addressed in political theory. These issues are largely normative and represent the correct principles and measures that should be prevailed on political affairs. In addition, political theory tries to perceive and understand the elements of a prosperous and happy society. By focusing on normativity in theorizing, the presented assumption about political theory in this study tries to provide a way for political theorizing in religious texts.A major approach in explaining the concept of political theory was thinking exclusively about its descriptive character. This approach was the dominant one in the middle decades of the twentieth century. But after the collapse of the pervasive project of positivism, the context of political theorizing has greatly changed and normativity and contemplating political theorizing with regard to values and ideals of political life was considered to a large scale. The basis of the present research on political theory was this fundamental fact that all political theories led to the political action and their purpose is to create social realities. Political theory should be known as akind of study mainly directed towards the "dos" and "don'ts" of political sphere. This reflects the issues to be addressed in political theory. These issues are largely normative and represent the correct principles and measures that should be prevailed on political affairs. In addition, political theory tries to perceive and understand the elements of a prosperous and happy society. By focusing on normativity in theorizing, the presented assumption about political theory in this study tries to provide a way for political theorizing in religious texts.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59932_026c20f179593697e6f1a533e1e9f50b.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221EXAMINATION OF MAJOR POWERS’ COERCIVE STRATEGIES IN ASYMMETRIC CONFLICTS THROUGH APPLICATION OF HAUN’S THEORYEXAMINATION OF MAJOR POWERS’ COERCIVE STRATEGIES IN ASYMMETRIC CONFLICTS THROUGH APPLICATION OF HAUN’S THEORY9199345993310.22059/jpq.2016.59933FAMohammadaliShirkhaniProfessor, International Relations Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranSetareTaherkhaniPh. D., International Relations Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20141227In asymmetric conflicts, great powers often adopt coercive strategies toward weak states. This strategy is a combination of threat, and limited and warning use of force if necessary to impact the opposite's strategy choice. Given that the threats of the most powerful states are more effective because the penalty for target disobedience will be more intensive, it seems that the weak states must easily submit to great powers coercive deterrence and compellence demands to keep away from punishments. But why many evidence and experimental studies show the failure of this strategy in result of the resistance of weak states which finally leads great powers to take up costly brute force strategy? This is a question that Phil Haun answers with this hypothesis that the greater the coercive requests of the great powers threatens the survival of a weak state the more probable the failure of the coercive strategy will be. In this article, we modify Haun's theory based on weak state's costs and benefits calculations and its resistance preferences in order to extend the theory to cases which are not explicable in terms of Haun's hypothesis, and we inspect one of the cases- North Korean nuclear crisis- which has been shown to be incongruent with what occurred in real world by Haun's hypothesis and account for North Korean resistance strategy toward the United States' coercive demands.In asymmetric conflicts, great powers often adopt coercive strategies toward weak states. This strategy is a combination of threat, and limited and warning use of force if necessary to impact the opposite's strategy choice. Given that the threats of the most powerful states are more effective because the penalty for target disobedience will be more intensive, it seems that the weak states must easily submit to great powers coercive deterrence and compellence demands to keep away from punishments. But why many evidence and experimental studies show the failure of this strategy in result of the resistance of weak states which finally leads great powers to take up costly brute force strategy? This is a question that Phil Haun answers with this hypothesis that the greater the coercive requests of the great powers threatens the survival of a weak state the more probable the failure of the coercive strategy will be. In this article, we modify Haun's theory based on weak state's costs and benefits calculations and its resistance preferences in order to extend the theory to cases which are not explicable in terms of Haun's hypothesis, and we inspect one of the cases- North Korean nuclear crisis- which has been shown to be incongruent with what occurred in real world by Haun's hypothesis and account for North Korean resistance strategy toward the United States' coercive demands.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59933_531a377c94fa56202dbb7fd47ae217f5.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221ISLAMIC JURISTS IN POLITICAL CAPACITY: A COMPARISON BETWEEN LEGALIST AND POLITICAL APPROACHES IN ISLAMIC GOVERNANCEISLAMIC JURISTS IN POLITICAL CAPACITY: A COMPARISON BETWEEN LEGALIST AND POLITICAL APPROACHES IN ISLAMIC GOVERNANCE9359575993410.22059/jpq.2016.59934FAKamranTaremiAssistant Professor, Center for International Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20141109Since the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Shiite Islam has been adopted as state ideology in Iran. This paper is concerned with the impact of Islam on Iranian strategic culture. More specifically, it examines the impact of Islam on the manner Iran employs force in self-defense. To shed light on the influence of ideology, the article has relied heavily on Ayatollah Khomeini's speeches, sermons, and writings as well as Iranian conduct during the war with Iraq. It argues that Islam has set the goals for which force should be used, determined the military strategy to be adopted, defined the meaning of victory on the battlefield, spelled out the factors that contribute to military prowess, and impacted the organization, recruitment, and training of the armed forces.Since the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Shiite Islam has been adopted as state ideology in Iran. This paper is concerned with the impact of Islam on Iranian strategic culture. More specifically, it examines the impact of Islam on the manner Iran employs force in self-defense. To shed light on the influence of ideology, the article has relied heavily on Ayatollah Khomeini's speeches, sermons, and writings as well as Iranian conduct during the war with Iraq. It argues that Islam has set the goals for which force should be used, determined the military strategy to be adopted, defined the meaning of victory on the battlefield, spelled out the factors that contribute to military prowess, and impacted the organization, recruitment, and training of the armed forces.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59934_8baf409584cf7d21222d42d1235acf2f.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221MEMORY POLITICS: AN INTRODUCTION TO A NEW POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL APPROACHMEMORY POLITICS: AN INTRODUCTION TO A NEW POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL APPROACH9599775993510.22059/jpq.2016.59935FAAbouzarFattahizadehAssistant Professor, Political Science Department, Yasuj University, IranJournal Article20150519Memory politics as a field is an outcome of representation crisis in social sciences. But this field has its own weaknesses that prevents presenting a coherent research program. Eliminating theory and conceptual defects of the field and increasing its objects are the most important strategies to improve it to a coherent research program. But how someone can eliminate its current conceptual defects? In this article, we are going to present preparatories about a new memory politics theory that make it an independent research program with its own objects. So in the first step, we will obviate theory and conceptual defects of current memory politics and then, we will say what kind of ideas and materials fit into this new approach.Memory politics as a field is an outcome of representation crisis in social sciences. But this field has its own weaknesses that prevents presenting a coherent research program. Eliminating theory and conceptual defects of the field and increasing its objects are the most important strategies to improve it to a coherent research program. But how someone can eliminate its current conceptual defects? In this article, we are going to present preparatories about a new memory politics theory that make it an independent research program with its own objects. So in the first step, we will obviate theory and conceptual defects of current memory politics and then, we will say what kind of ideas and materials fit into this new approach.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59935_1db721fc65abbea142f0a0dd29087b30.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221THE IMPACT OF GLOBALIZATION ON ETHNIC PARTICULARISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST (CASE STUDY: TURKEY, IRAQ AND SYRIA)THE IMPACT OF GLOBALIZATION ON ETHNIC PARTICULARISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST (CASE STUDY: TURKEY, IRAQ AND SYRIA)9799945993610.22059/jpq.2016.59936FAMohammad TaghiGhezel SoflaAssociate Professor, Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Mazandaran, IranAkbarHabibi RaziabadMaster of International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Mazandaran, IranJournal Article20160125Globalization as a transformation in the spatial organization as well as cultural and economic relations, along with political and economic processes with some kind of removable connection has had considerable effects in the regions of the world especially the Middle East. The aim of this study is to answer this main question: How did globalization Strengthen and deepen the ethnic and religious particularism in the troubled region of the Middle East? According to the study, the answer is classified in three categories: 1. undermining national sovereignty. 2. Intensification of political and ethnic conflict and 3. cultural hegemony- cultural specific. This article used the theoretical framework of Roland Robertson and Giddens as "local universe". Moreover, descriptive and analytical method with critical strains is used. Also, compilation method using library resources, articles and internet sites was employed.Globalization as a transformation in the spatial organization as well as cultural and economic relations, along with political and economic processes with some kind of removable connection has had considerable effects in the regions of the world especially the Middle East. The aim of this study is to answer this main question: How did globalization Strengthen and deepen the ethnic and religious particularism in the troubled region of the Middle East? According to the study, the answer is classified in three categories: 1. undermining national sovereignty. 2. Intensification of political and ethnic conflict and 3. cultural hegemony- cultural specific. This article used the theoretical framework of Roland Robertson and Giddens as "local universe". Moreover, descriptive and analytical method with critical strains is used. Also, compilation method using library resources, articles and internet sites was employed.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59936_daa6007fc501269cdd024a980b081729.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221ANALYSIS OF LEGAL AND POLITICAL OBSTACLES TO REFORM OF THE STRUCTURE OF THE SECURITY OF COUNCILANALYSIS OF LEGAL AND POLITICAL OBSTACLES TO REFORM OF THE STRUCTURE OF THE SECURITY OF COUNCIL99510105993710.22059/jpq.2016.59937FAAliasgharKazemiProfessor, Law and Political Science Department, Islamic Azad University of Tehran, Science and Research Branch, IranShahramAskari HosnM.A Student of Political Science, Law and Political Science Department, Islamic Azad University of Tehran, Science and Research Branch, IranJournal Article20150718In recent years, negotiations in order to change the most powerful and effective elements of the United Nations, the Security Council, has sparked a wide range of debates. Benefits and special privileges of members of the Security Council such as the right to veto, imposing sanctions have forced some states to maintain this order on the one side, and has united 5 permanent members of the Security Council on the path to maintain the status quo, on the other.. However, since the Security Council is not representative of all countries of the world and is responsible for maintaining international peace and security, the authors both reviews the reasons for the dissatisfaction of the Security Council and identifies the main obstacles to the government's failure to the political and legal spectrum.In recent years, negotiations in order to change the most powerful and effective elements of the United Nations, the Security Council, has sparked a wide range of debates. Benefits and special privileges of members of the Security Council such as the right to veto, imposing sanctions have forced some states to maintain this order on the one side, and has united 5 permanent members of the Security Council on the path to maintain the status quo, on the other.. However, since the Security Council is not representative of all countries of the world and is responsible for maintaining international peace and security, the authors both reviews the reasons for the dissatisfaction of the Security Council and identifies the main obstacles to the government's failure to the political and legal spectrum.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59937_7c7f3e525eb0ed5e291e26d6f5db5393.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221THE IMPACT OF FOREIGN MILITARY BASES IN AMERICA ON INTERNATIONAL POLITICSTHE IMPACT OF FOREIGN MILITARY BASES IN AMERICA ON INTERNATIONAL POLITICS101110305993910.22059/jpq.2016.59939FAHosseinKarimifardAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran0000-0002-1311-1178Journal Article20160103The establishment of foreign military bases is a key matter to understand the distribution of power in spheres of influence throughout the world. Oversea bases are the first mechanism of a mass network, which works to maintain the control exercised by great powers, becoming the infrastructure for wars. Normally, government allows the allies and governments that have similar ideas about common interests or common threats in the host country to have military presence. However, long-term military presence led to political, social and environmental problems. United States of America is establishing military bases to expand their power and influence beyond the borders to achieve different goals and objectives, including the goal to increase the sphere of influence, dominance and control of geopolitical, geostrategic, economic interests, especially access to and control of energy resources and competing points. America with bases around the world has devastating impacts on host countries, the region and the world.The establishment of foreign military bases is a key matter to understand the distribution of power in spheres of influence throughout the world. Oversea bases are the first mechanism of a mass network, which works to maintain the control exercised by great powers, becoming the infrastructure for wars. Normally, government allows the allies and governments that have similar ideas about common interests or common threats in the host country to have military presence. However, long-term military presence led to political, social and environmental problems. United States of America is establishing military bases to expand their power and influence beyond the borders to achieve different goals and objectives, including the goal to increase the sphere of influence, dominance and control of geopolitical, geostrategic, economic interests, especially access to and control of energy resources and competing points. America with bases around the world has devastating impacts on host countries, the region and the world.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59939_7cb394c278ea4a9277e18dd60b8e938e.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221THE PATTERN OF POLITICAL STRUGGLE IN THE QURAN THOUGHT OF THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL WAY OF IMAM KHOMEINI (RH)THE PATTERN OF POLITICAL STRUGGLE IN THE QURAN THOUGHT OF THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL WAY OF IMAM KHOMEINI (RH)103110475994010.22059/jpq.2016.59940FAEbrahimKalantariAssociate Professor, Faculty of Education and Islamic Thought, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20160517In a comprehensive analysis of the Islamic revolution of Iran, it is important to understand the basic components and the main pillars of the revolution such as leadership of Imam Khomeini (RA) and his fighting patterns. The main question in this regard is that which pattern of conduct enabled Imam Khomeini (RA) to be in shape of a political leader of the Islamic movement to properly and carefully lead the country in its own route and guide it to victory? The author of this research benefiting from Quran’ic verses and related sources using citation method, analytic and adaptive outlines, examined the conduct method of Imam Khomeini (RA) and determined that the campaign practices of Imam Khomeini (RA) matches a pattern that the Holy Qur'an asks the Believers to follow. In this template, the "nature of the struggle toward the uprising have five characteristics: 1. assignment, 2. Islamism, 3. Coupled with the consciousness and cognition, 4. being popular and 5. Organization. Combating such features relies only on the teachings of the Holy Qur'an which will always lead to victory.In a comprehensive analysis of the Islamic revolution of Iran, it is important to understand the basic components and the main pillars of the revolution such as leadership of Imam Khomeini (RA) and his fighting patterns. The main question in this regard is that which pattern of conduct enabled Imam Khomeini (RA) to be in shape of a political leader of the Islamic movement to properly and carefully lead the country in its own route and guide it to victory? The author of this research benefiting from Quran’ic verses and related sources using citation method, analytic and adaptive outlines, examined the conduct method of Imam Khomeini (RA) and determined that the campaign practices of Imam Khomeini (RA) matches a pattern that the Holy Qur'an asks the Believers to follow. In this template, the "nature of the struggle toward the uprising have five characteristics: 1. assignment, 2. Islamism, 3. Coupled with the consciousness and cognition, 4. being popular and 5. Organization. Combating such features relies only on the teachings of the Holy Qur'an which will always lead to victory.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59940_348a2b323082d414fa4b8c7e01801457.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221THE NEW AUTHORITARIANISM ISLAMISM DISCOURSE IN EGYPT SINCE JANUARY 2011THE NEW AUTHORITARIANISM ISLAMISM DISCOURSE IN EGYPT SINCE JANUARY 2011104910665994110.22059/jpq.2016.59941FAHassanMajidiAssociate Professor of Political Science, Faculty of Islamic Studies and Political Science, University of Imam Sadeq (AS), IranJabbarShojaeiPhD Student in Political Sociology of Islamic Republic of Iran, Faculty of Humanities, Shahed University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20160117Mubarak falling in 2011 was the beginning of a discursive change over Egypt. The freed elements in Egypt field of discursivity, that were around a special point, tried to present an efficient image of Egyptas a desirable society. In one view, Egypt political discourses can be divided into Islam-oriented base or secularism looking for democracy or authoritarianism. some of Egypt political groups act in an Islam oriented and authoritarian discourse and, in a formed discursive conflict tried to make their hegemony. The question of this paper is that what factors are used by this discourse for its hegemonic domination and which political groups formed its discourse structure? This paper by using Laclau and Mouffe discourse analysis shows that the above mentioned discourse by nodal point of "caliphate" tries to narrite themselves to be fitted with circumstances but dispersion of discourse factors and those groups profited by this discourse logic caused them to get involved in discourse time distortion. Mubarak falling in 2011 was the beginning of a discursive change over Egypt. The freed elements in Egypt field of discursivity, that were around a special point, tried to present an efficient image of Egyptas a desirable society. In one view, Egypt political discourses can be divided into Islam-oriented base or secularism looking for democracy or authoritarianism. some of Egypt political groups act in an Islam oriented and authoritarian discourse and, in a formed discursive conflict tried to make their hegemony. The question of this paper is that what factors are used by this discourse for its hegemonic domination and which political groups formed its discourse structure? This paper by using Laclau and Mouffe discourse analysis shows that the above mentioned discourse by nodal point of "caliphate" tries to narrite themselves to be fitted with circumstances but dispersion of discourse factors and those groups profited by this discourse logic caused them to get involved in discourse time distortion. https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59941_6122d783c12c6565360092a3f684fd6d.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967846420161221REGIONAL BALANCE POLICY IN IRAN-SAUDI ARABIA RELATIONSREGIONAL BALANCE POLICY IN IRAN-SAUDI ARABIA RELATIONS106710875994210.22059/jpq.2016.59942FAAbbasMossalanejadProfessor, Department of Political Science, University of Tehran, Iran0000-0002-0283-2762Journal Article20150712The Saudi strategic literature in dealing with Iran has been accompanied by signs of threats and crisis exacerbated in 2015. The signs of such literature can be found in the practical politics exercised by Saudi Arabia in Bahrain, Yemen, Syria, Iraq and Lebanon. In fact, the aggravated crisis makes the imposition of security threats inevitable. The participation of the Arab League states, especially Egypt and the United Arab Emirates in Saudi Arabia and Turkey's regional policies has expanded the regional crisis. Regional security management in Saudi-Iranian relations is possible only on the basis of regional balance policy. The historical roots of such crisis in Saudi-Iranian security relations resurfaced in 2006. Setting out during post-Cold War years, the Shiite managed to establish their position in populations where they made up the majority. It faced more hostility in 2003, which was later intensified in 2006 by Hezbollah resistance against Zionist regime. In these circumstances, the Islamic resistance was organized to encounter the regional conservatism, the US intervention and Zionist regime supremacy. The outcome of such a trend can be seen in how the Sharm el-Sheikh Conference was held in November 2006 against Iran. Attended by Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, United Arabic Emirates and the US, the conference was meant to deal with the Islamic extremist identity. Finally, it set the ground for expansion of identity crisis throughout the Middle East. In principal, the creation of crisis is counted as part of the Saudi security policy in striking a balance against Iran.The Saudi strategic literature in dealing with Iran has been accompanied by signs of threats and crisis exacerbated in 2015. The signs of such literature can be found in the practical politics exercised by Saudi Arabia in Bahrain, Yemen, Syria, Iraq and Lebanon. In fact, the aggravated crisis makes the imposition of security threats inevitable. The participation of the Arab League states, especially Egypt and the United Arab Emirates in Saudi Arabia and Turkey's regional policies has expanded the regional crisis. Regional security management in Saudi-Iranian relations is possible only on the basis of regional balance policy. The historical roots of such crisis in Saudi-Iranian security relations resurfaced in 2006. Setting out during post-Cold War years, the Shiite managed to establish their position in populations where they made up the majority. It faced more hostility in 2003, which was later intensified in 2006 by Hezbollah resistance against Zionist regime. In these circumstances, the Islamic resistance was organized to encounter the regional conservatism, the US intervention and Zionist regime supremacy. The outcome of such a trend can be seen in how the Sharm el-Sheikh Conference was held in November 2006 against Iran. Attended by Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, United Arabic Emirates and the US, the conference was meant to deal with the Islamic extremist identity. Finally, it set the ground for expansion of identity crisis throughout the Middle East. In principal, the creation of crisis is counted as part of the Saudi security policy in striking a balance against Iran.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_59942_6939555e760cd329b946e4aeb92b8b15.pdf