University of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321BRICS'S ECONOMIC POWER AND ALTERNATIVE TO WEST LIBERAL ECONOMYBRICS'S ECONOMIC POWER AND ALTERNATIVE TO WEST LIBERAL ECONOMY1186517210.22059/jpq.2018.213384.1006878FAAli AkbarJafariAssociate Professor; Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of MazandaranMehrdadFallahMaster; Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of MazandaranJournal Article20160910The rise of emerging powers is one of the important features of the Perspective contemporary international system. The Powers that are mainly in grouped Brics, Reflect changes in the international system and the epoch-making nature and fate of the place has a decisive effect. Referring to Economic Power Brics group (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is Significant to Importance emerging powers increasingly at a Time when is as Alternative to the Liberal West's Economy. With this Interpretation, in response to the basic question of this research, the Article Assumes that Economic Union emerging Powers is considered at Attempt to create an Alternative to the Liberal West's Economy and improve its Position in the International System. On this basis, The Article Using explanatory method and with respect to the resources available assessed First Brics's Economic Power, despite The Challenges of national, Regional and International and Then its role is an Explanation in shaping the international order as an Alternative to the Liberal economic power of the West in recent years.The rise of emerging powers is one of the important features of the Perspective contemporary international system. The Powers that are mainly in grouped Brics, Reflect changes in the international system and the epoch-making nature and fate of the place has a decisive effect. Referring to Economic Power Brics group (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is Significant to Importance emerging powers increasingly at a Time when is as Alternative to the Liberal West's Economy. With this Interpretation, in response to the basic question of this research, the Article Assumes that Economic Union emerging Powers is considered at Attempt to create an Alternative to the Liberal West's Economy and improve its Position in the International System. On this basis, The Article Using explanatory method and with respect to the resources available assessed First Brics's Economic Power, despite The Challenges of national, Regional and International and Then its role is an Explanation in shaping the international order as an Alternative to the Liberal economic power of the West in recent years.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65172_c5a179f5ba4298382c6f9ed5bf1b67dc.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321CONSTRUCTIVE COMPONENTS OF IDEAL POLITICAL CULTURE IN IMAM ALI’S REALM OF POLITICAL THOUGHTSCONSTRUCTIVE COMPONENTS OF IDEAL POLITICAL CULTURE IN IMAM ALI’S REALM OF POLITICAL THOUGHTS19386517310.22059/jpq.2018.243552.1007149FAJalalDorakhshahProfessor; Faculty of Islamic Studies and Politics, Imam Sadiq University, IranAhmadShariatmadariPh.D. Student; Faculty of Islamic Studies and Politics, Imam Sadiq University, IranJournal Article20171017Two opposing cultural arenas contrast with each other during Imam Ali’s government. On the one hand, there is popular culture and therefore the political culture of <em>jahiliyyah</em> (ignorance) which has been reproduced in the period of caliphs before Imam Ali (pbuh), and still deeply roots itself in the soul of some Muslims of early Islam.On the other end of the opposition, there is the true political culture from Imam Ali’s perspective, which is known to berooted in “acquiring knowledge” and “gaining determination”.In answer to the important question about Imam Ali’s picture of Islamic political culture, it could be said that he tried to emphasize the role of wisdom and its epistemic necessities, strengthen determination and its ideological requirements, and furthermore wipe out the political culture of <em>jahiliyyah</em> as an obstacle to ideal political movements. Therefore, taking into account the role of culture in political actions, Imam Ali implemented fundamental reforms in the arena of political culture to direct Muslims and their political behavior to the correct path. In this research, a descriptive-analytical method was used to identity the essential dimensions shaping the ideal political culture in Imam Ali’spolicies. Opposing conceptual dichotomies were also used to clearly delineate the two different political cultures.Two opposing cultural arenas contrast with each other during Imam Ali’s government. On the one hand, there is popular culture and therefore the political culture of <em>jahiliyyah</em> (ignorance) which has been reproduced in the period of caliphs before Imam Ali (pbuh), and still deeply roots itself in the soul of some Muslims of early Islam.On the other end of the opposition, there is the true political culture from Imam Ali’s perspective, which is known to berooted in “acquiring knowledge” and “gaining determination”.In answer to the important question about Imam Ali’s picture of Islamic political culture, it could be said that he tried to emphasize the role of wisdom and its epistemic necessities, strengthen determination and its ideological requirements, and furthermore wipe out the political culture of <em>jahiliyyah</em> as an obstacle to ideal political movements. Therefore, taking into account the role of culture in political actions, Imam Ali implemented fundamental reforms in the arena of political culture to direct Muslims and their political behavior to the correct path. In this research, a descriptive-analytical method was used to identity the essential dimensions shaping the ideal political culture in Imam Ali’spolicies. Opposing conceptual dichotomies were also used to clearly delineate the two different political cultures.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65173_fdce8d21bd304fc79c3971f040ac4fff.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321STRATEGIES TO REDUCE THREATS OF NON-GOVERNMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS AGAINST SECURITY OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN, WITH FOCUS ON ROLE OF THE OF THE ICTSTRATEGIES TO REDUCE THREATS OF NON-GOVERNMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS AGAINST SECURITY OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN, WITH FOCUS ON ROLE OF THE OF THE ICT39576517410.22059/jpq.2018.211303.1006854FAAhmadSoltani NejadAssistant Professor; Facullty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, IranMohammadDavandPh.D Candidate of International Relations, Tarbiat Modares University of TehranJournal Article20160711After the Islamic Revolution (1979), one of the issues that threaten the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran by International actors, is Human Rights. Aside from the threats of some states or some governmental international organizations, the threats of non-governmental human rights organizations against security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is more soft and detracts from the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the world. This concern has led the author to seek ways to prevent the implementation of the objectives of non-governmental organizations through the role that ICT can play in this direction. Therefore, it is appropriate to ask the question that how ICTs can reduce the threat of non-governmental human rights organizations against Iran's national security? The author answer the questions mentioned above will be that utilization of information and communication technology is the most important means of decreasing NGOs threats against Iran's national security. So, in the new word, if Iran wants reduce these threats through increasing the effectiveness of public diplomacy capacities, promoting the principles of the Islamic Human Rights, attracting foreign tourists and it’s prestige in the international system, must use all of the resources of technology information and communication in the virtual world.After the Islamic Revolution (1979), one of the issues that threaten the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran by International actors, is Human Rights. Aside from the threats of some states or some governmental international organizations, the threats of non-governmental human rights organizations against security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is more soft and detracts from the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the world. This concern has led the author to seek ways to prevent the implementation of the objectives of non-governmental organizations through the role that ICT can play in this direction. Therefore, it is appropriate to ask the question that how ICTs can reduce the threat of non-governmental human rights organizations against Iran's national security? The author answer the questions mentioned above will be that utilization of information and communication technology is the most important means of decreasing NGOs threats against Iran's national security. So, in the new word, if Iran wants reduce these threats through increasing the effectiveness of public diplomacy capacities, promoting the principles of the Islamic Human Rights, attracting foreign tourists and it’s prestige in the international system, must use all of the resources of technology information and communication in the virtual world.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65174_54183f3908139265def0dfbd0c206b86.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321RECOGNITION TRANSIT OF STRUCTURALISM TO POST- STRUCTURALISMRECOGNITION TRANSIT OF STRUCTURALISM TO POST- STRUCTURALISM59766517510.22059/jpq.2018.230498.1007036FAAbdolrahmanAlemProfessor; Political Sciences Department, University of TehranMostafaEnsafiPh.D Student; Political Science University, Allameh Tabataba'iJournal Article20101107This Essay speak about theoretical praxis of structuralism and it´s form such linguistical, anthropological and Marxist, and it attempts to explain Structuralist understanding of non-essential, differential and communicationary. Structuralism has a special insight to identity: it is discoursive constituted, thus it has habitied in structurs. This anti-essentialism of Structuralist to the identity of subjects, has become their theoretical return point to a new concept of subjects identity: subjects as ambiguous identity and amalgamated with the other. The concept of the other in Structuralist understanding ended to deconstruction of superior and inferior relation of political main stream.This Essay speak about theoretical praxis of structuralism and it´s form such linguistical, anthropological and Marxist, and it attempts to explain Structuralist understanding of non-essential, differential and communicationary. Structuralism has a special insight to identity: it is discoursive constituted, thus it has habitied in structurs. This anti-essentialism of Structuralist to the identity of subjects, has become their theoretical return point to a new concept of subjects identity: subjects as ambiguous identity and amalgamated with the other. The concept of the other in Structuralist understanding ended to deconstruction of superior and inferior relation of political main stream.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65175_7cbc374c4999af1de33552ed10bc5b4b.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321IDEALISM AND JUSTIFICATION OF AUFKLÄRUNGIDEALISM AND JUSTIFICATION OF AUFKLÄRUNG77966517610.22059/jpq.2018.142366.1006727FAMehdiFadaei MehrabaniAssistant Professor; Political Science, University of TehranMehrdadOmidpourPhD student; Political science, University of TehranJournal Article20160207It is a commonplace of intellectual history that any philosophical movement must be understood in its historical context. This dictum is especially true of German Idealism, whose aims and problems become intelligible only in the context of the culture of late eighteenth-century Germany. This culture was essentially that of the Enlightenment or Aufklärung, which had dominated intellectual life in Germany since the middle of the eighteenth century. But, toward the close of the eighteenth century, the Enlightenment began to show signs of a crisis. The fundamental principles of the Enlightenment were rational criticism and scientific naturalism. While criticism seemed to end in skepticism, naturalism appeared to result in materialism. Both results were unacceptable. If skepticism undermines our common-sense beliefs in the reality of the external world, materialism threatens the beliefs in freedom, immortality, and [God]. German Idealism and All its various forms – the transcendental idealism of Kant, the ethical idealism of Fichte, and the absolute idealism of the romantics – were so many attempts to resolve these aporiai of the Enlightenment. Thus, aim of this article is representation of German Idealism as the constant attempt to preserve the legacy of the Enlightenment.It is a commonplace of intellectual history that any philosophical movement must be understood in its historical context. This dictum is especially true of German Idealism, whose aims and problems become intelligible only in the context of the culture of late eighteenth-century Germany. This culture was essentially that of the Enlightenment or Aufklärung, which had dominated intellectual life in Germany since the middle of the eighteenth century. But, toward the close of the eighteenth century, the Enlightenment began to show signs of a crisis. The fundamental principles of the Enlightenment were rational criticism and scientific naturalism. While criticism seemed to end in skepticism, naturalism appeared to result in materialism. Both results were unacceptable. If skepticism undermines our common-sense beliefs in the reality of the external world, materialism threatens the beliefs in freedom, immortality, and [God]. German Idealism and All its various forms – the transcendental idealism of Kant, the ethical idealism of Fichte, and the absolute idealism of the romantics – were so many attempts to resolve these aporiai of the Enlightenment. Thus, aim of this article is representation of German Idealism as the constant attempt to preserve the legacy of the Enlightenment.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65176_bce748d08cc4de0f55e13c07766c708c.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY IN IRANENVIRONMENTAL POLICY IN IRAN971216517710.22059/jpq.2018.201546.1006748FASaidehLotfianProfessor; Department of Political Sciences, University of Tehran, IranSedighehNasri FakhredavoodPhd, Department of Political Sciences, University of Tehran, Iran0000-0001-7261-3103Journal Article20160222Since 1970s even while the central government has increased the number of rules and regulations protecting the fragile environment in Iran, the severity of long-term environmental policy challenges, such as air pollution in large cities and water scarcity has increased with an adverse impact on sustainability, welfare and overall quality of life of citizens. In this paper, first, traditional "stagist" model and professional model of policy-making for a holistic analysis of the socio-economic and political causes of environmental problems, the role of governmental organizations including those responsible for monitoring the implementation of environmental protection laws, and the role of citizens in solving environmental issues will be discussed. The authors then focus on the policies of other countries aimed at sustainable development, welfare improvement and confronting environmental challenges. In the end, they offer policy recommendations to Iran's policymakers who are advised to pay special attention to the relationship between environmental justice and sustainable development in their search for political and legal solutions for Iran's immediate environmental problems.Since 1970s even while the central government has increased the number of rules and regulations protecting the fragile environment in Iran, the severity of long-term environmental policy challenges, such as air pollution in large cities and water scarcity has increased with an adverse impact on sustainability, welfare and overall quality of life of citizens. In this paper, first, traditional "stagist" model and professional model of policy-making for a holistic analysis of the socio-economic and political causes of environmental problems, the role of governmental organizations including those responsible for monitoring the implementation of environmental protection laws, and the role of citizens in solving environmental issues will be discussed. The authors then focus on the policies of other countries aimed at sustainable development, welfare improvement and confronting environmental challenges. In the end, they offer policy recommendations to Iran's policymakers who are advised to pay special attention to the relationship between environmental justice and sustainable development in their search for political and legal solutions for Iran's immediate environmental problems.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65177_ed512830ae5e2d7087ab63cc36b6ba01.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321THE NEW MIDDLE CLASS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PUBLIC SPHERE IN IRAN STUDY PERIOD, 1376 TO 1384THE NEW MIDDLE CLASS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PUBLIC SPHERE IN IRAN STUDY PERIOD, 1376 TO 13841231426517810.22059/jpq.2018.208516.1006828FAMohammad RezaMayeliAssistant Professor, Islamic azad university central tehran branch faculty political scienceJahanbakhshKhanjaniPh.D. Student, Political Sociology Assistant Professor, Islamic azad university central tehran branch faculty political scienceJournal Article20141216In 1376 Iran witnessed a new chapter of life and social life, the political and economic. Wave necessary initiatives to strengthen civil society discourse became widely that also had its effects for years after. This discourse in print media and digital various circles, hangouts and university centers spread and range of daily life spared either. Groups such discourse agreement creates an atmosphere that we can claim that resulted in the growth and development of the public sphere is between 1376 to 1384.pointed society. involved.In 1376 Iran witnessed a new chapter of life and social life, the political and economic. Wave necessary initiatives to strengthen civil society discourse became widely that also had its effects for years after. This discourse in print media and digital various circles, hangouts and university centers spread and range of daily life spared either. Groups such discourse agreement creates an atmosphere that we can claim that resulted in the growth and development of the public sphere is between 1376 to 1384.pointed society. involved.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65178_556819752dc2beef83192cc142ed4168.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321A COMPARATIVE EVALUATION OF THE ATTITUDES OF KANT AND MILL ON HUMAN DIGNITY AND THE RIGHTS OF WOMENA COMPARATIVE EVALUATION OF THE ATTITUDES OF KANT AND MILL ON HUMAN DIGNITY AND THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN1431626517910.22059/jpq.2018.219454.1006936FASeyed AliMahmoudiAssistance Professor, Department of International Relations and World Studies, School of International Relations, Minstry of Foreign Affairs of the I.R. of IranJournal Article20161103In connection with human dignity and rights of women, Kant and Mill retain a same viewpoint, i.e., they cognize that women own intrinsically human values. They also reject instrumental usage of women, but in relation to women’s social and political rights, their ways are separated: Kant considers women as man’s property and passive citizens. He denies the social and political rights of women. Conversely, Mill defends women’s social and political rights on the bases of liberty and equality. So, Kant’s standpoints on human dignity of women on the one hand, and their social and political rights on the other, suffer from contradiction, while Mill’s thoughts are consistence in this context. One can understand the essence of difference between these two philosopher’s notions by using hermeneutic method (text and context). The controversy on women’s rights mainly emerges from effects of historical developments particularly economic, social and political affairs, within Kant’s and Mill’s thoughts.In connection with human dignity and rights of women, Kant and Mill retain a same viewpoint, i.e., they cognize that women own intrinsically human values. They also reject instrumental usage of women, but in relation to women’s social and political rights, their ways are separated: Kant considers women as man’s property and passive citizens. He denies the social and political rights of women. Conversely, Mill defends women’s social and political rights on the bases of liberty and equality. So, Kant’s standpoints on human dignity of women on the one hand, and their social and political rights on the other, suffer from contradiction, while Mill’s thoughts are consistence in this context. One can understand the essence of difference between these two philosopher’s notions by using hermeneutic method (text and context). The controversy on women’s rights mainly emerges from effects of historical developments particularly economic, social and political affairs, within Kant’s and Mill’s thoughts.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65179_168a42928d526d082da814dfc1f79b17.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321URBAN POLICY IN IRAN: INTRODUCE AN APPLIED MODEL (CASE STUDY: METROPOLIS KERMAN CITY)URBAN POLICY IN IRAN: INTRODUCE AN APPLIED MODEL (CASE STUDY: METROPOLIS KERMAN CITY)1631736518010.22059/jpq.2018.99109.1006273FAYousofMoslemi MehniAssistant Professor; Public policy, Shahid Bahonar UniversityJournal Article20140422In the last few decades, Urban policy as a major issue raised in the academic world metropolises and a vast number of studies devoted to the city. Balance between large and small urban centers, cooperation between central government, local government and the public and private sectors as well as among local strategies for sustainable urban policies are important aspects. Since Government is focus of public policy, the issue of power in the policies and practices of urban planning is very important. A plurality of power and the exercise of a federal urban policy to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of such policies will be discussed.The End Introduced An Iranian Pluralistic Metropolis Model and Case Study: Metropolis Kerman Model.In the last few decades, Urban policy as a major issue raised in the academic world metropolises and a vast number of studies devoted to the city. Balance between large and small urban centers, cooperation between central government, local government and the public and private sectors as well as among local strategies for sustainable urban policies are important aspects. Since Government is focus of public policy, the issue of power in the policies and practices of urban planning is very important. A plurality of power and the exercise of a federal urban policy to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of such policies will be discussed.The End Introduced An Iranian Pluralistic Metropolis Model and Case Study: Metropolis Kerman Model.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65180_8f7eb2a3061654d8cbc00527cbfd709a.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL CAPITAL: TRUST, PARTICIPATION AND NETWORKS IN INTERNATIONAL SOCIETYINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL CAPITAL: TRUST, PARTICIPATION AND NETWORKS IN INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY1751956518110.22059/jpq.2018.126622.1006558FAHomeiraMoshizadehAssociate Professor; Department of International Relations, University of TehranNasimossadatVaseizadehPhd, International Relations, University of TehranJournal Article20150518States in international society, like people in domestic societies, have various social positions which render different levels of power, security and welfare. In this article, after the introduction of the concept of “international social capital”, different aspects of this capital, i.e. trust, participation and social networks of the states in the international arena are discussed. Meanwhile, the necessity of paying attention to normative trust besides the strategic one, to real participation as opposed to the nominal one, and to the centrality of states in international social networks is emphasized.States in international society, like people in domestic societies, have various social positions which render different levels of power, security and welfare. In this article, after the introduction of the concept of “international social capital”, different aspects of this capital, i.e. trust, participation and social networks of the states in the international arena are discussed. Meanwhile, the necessity of paying attention to normative trust besides the strategic one, to real participation as opposed to the nominal one, and to the centrality of states in international social networks is emphasized.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65181_4a0fa43d0c57cba736aea4bd02603164.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321SAUDI STRATEGIC POLICY MAKING; ENLARGEMENT OF THE MIDDLE EAST CRISIS AND GEOPOLITICAL CHAOSSAUDI STRATEGIC POLICY MAKING; ENLARGEMENT OF THE MIDDLE EAST CRISIS AND GEOPOLITICAL CHAOS1972196518210.22059/jpq.2018.240181.1007122FAAbbasMossalanejadProfessor; Political Sciences Department, University of TehranAliSamadiMaster; Callege of Farabi, University of TheranJournal Article20170821Saudi strategic policy-making depends on the regional role, the characteristics of political leaders and the direction of the structure of the international system. The role of Saudi security during the Salman era can be seen as the continuation of the power policy for regional hegemony. Such an approach, the behavioral patterns in the era of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Donald Trump's coming to power and US military contracts with Saudi Arabia have increased the role of the country in the future of regional security. The regional role of Saudi Arabia is defined on the basis of signs such as the expansion of the geopolitical crisis. Such a situation would be the transition from the United States regional equilibrium policy. The structure of the international system faces geopolitical changes in the post-Cold War years. Regional developments in the Middle East geopolitical suggest that Saudi-based strategic policy framework chaos making actors and forces has been created. New geopolitical realities of the world emphasized that the Middle East conflict is the center of regional crises management. Increase in military spending in Saudi Arabia is based on the signs of crisis making and threats. Saudi Arabia's agents in the regional coalition are seeking to adopt mechanisms such as crisis expansion as crisis management tools and techniques. The formation of "proxy wars" and of "asymmetric conflicts" may be among the causes and symptoms of geopolitical crisis in the Middle East. The new security crisis not only affects the relationships of regional actors, but also has the capabilities needed to change the geopolitics of the Middle East. The main question is that: "what is the main index of Saudi Strategy in the Middle East security environment in the second decade of the 21st century?" The hypothesis mentioned that: "the mechanisms of Saudi Arabia are based on militarism, escalating the crisis and proxy war in the Middle East geopolitical crisis. For explaining this paper to “identity structure approach” is used. The methodology of the paper will be based on "data analysis" and "content analysis".Saudi strategic policy-making depends on the regional role, the characteristics of political leaders and the direction of the structure of the international system. The role of Saudi security during the Salman era can be seen as the continuation of the power policy for regional hegemony. Such an approach, the behavioral patterns in the era of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Donald Trump's coming to power and US military contracts with Saudi Arabia have increased the role of the country in the future of regional security. The regional role of Saudi Arabia is defined on the basis of signs such as the expansion of the geopolitical crisis. Such a situation would be the transition from the United States regional equilibrium policy. The structure of the international system faces geopolitical changes in the post-Cold War years. Regional developments in the Middle East geopolitical suggest that Saudi-based strategic policy framework chaos making actors and forces has been created. New geopolitical realities of the world emphasized that the Middle East conflict is the center of regional crises management. Increase in military spending in Saudi Arabia is based on the signs of crisis making and threats. Saudi Arabia's agents in the regional coalition are seeking to adopt mechanisms such as crisis expansion as crisis management tools and techniques. The formation of "proxy wars" and of "asymmetric conflicts" may be among the causes and symptoms of geopolitical crisis in the Middle East. The new security crisis not only affects the relationships of regional actors, but also has the capabilities needed to change the geopolitics of the Middle East. The main question is that: "what is the main index of Saudi Strategy in the Middle East security environment in the second decade of the 21st century?" The hypothesis mentioned that: "the mechanisms of Saudi Arabia are based on militarism, escalating the crisis and proxy war in the Middle East geopolitical crisis. For explaining this paper to “identity structure approach” is used. The methodology of the paper will be based on "data analysis" and "content analysis".https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65182_35e20e59b90721b242a6e1b740228447.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321LEADERSHIP OF THE ISLAMIC STATE IN THE EPISTLES DYNY1342-1357LEADERSHIP OF THE ISLAMIC STATE IN THE EPISTLES DYNY1342-13572212356518310.22059/jpq.2018.134410.1006636FAEbrahimMousazadehAssociate professor; Faculty of law and Politics, tehran University, IranFatemeh SadatZeyghamianMaster of Arts in History of Islamic Iran Faculty, Literature and Humanities University of TehranJournal Article20151116According to historical documents, including letters Islamic government, Islamic scholars and jurists about the rule of the state, the relationship between government and citizens, economy, political, administrative and managerial governance and leadership at the head of them the community and the Islamic state theory And. Aside from the central council of Muslims is rooted in the history of Islam, the province and even the subject of jurisprudence and appointed Leader of the House of issuing fatwa, all QalbHayy for the design and management of the years has been the issue of leadership in the works of thinkers. Although the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1358 and by members of the Assembly of Experts to prepare and approve the constitution, but is proof of the tracts of Islamic rule that areas of intellectual and theoretical context of the long history of the constitution and the Supreme Leader is the . Therefore, based on the views of the Islamic Republic, as a genuine dialogue rooted in the years before the Revolution had.According to historical documents, including letters Islamic government, Islamic scholars and jurists about the rule of the state, the relationship between government and citizens, economy, political, administrative and managerial governance and leadership at the head of them the community and the Islamic state theory And. Aside from the central council of Muslims is rooted in the history of Islam, the province and even the subject of jurisprudence and appointed Leader of the House of issuing fatwa, all QalbHayy for the design and management of the years has been the issue of leadership in the works of thinkers. Although the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1358 and by members of the Assembly of Experts to prepare and approve the constitution, but is proof of the tracts of Islamic rule that areas of intellectual and theoretical context of the long history of the constitution and the Supreme Leader is the . Therefore, based on the views of the Islamic Republic, as a genuine dialogue rooted in the years before the Revolution had.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65183_a18797df4b70c693755aa74096d16375.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321SEGREGATION AND UNITY OF THE ISLAMIC UMMAH IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF ABUL A’LA MAUDUDISEGREGATION AND UNITY OF THE ISLAMIC UMMAH IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF ABUL A’LA MAUDUDI2372556518410.22059/jpq.2018.208275.1006823FAMohammad AliMiraliAssociate professor; Department of political Sciences, Al-Mustafa International UniversityJournal Article20160711In spite of the emphasis on Islamic sources and texts on the establishment of the Islamic Ummah and its formation in the early Islamic centuries, this issue gradually began to differentiate and experiences a political segregation. This is due to the incorrect political behavior of the political elites and the incorrect understanding of the Islamic intellectual system when the new elements were replaced in the knowledge sysytem of Muslims. Maududi describes two factors as the most important elements in the split of Islamic unity.The first one was emergence of <em>Soltani's</em> system of ruling in Islamic state by Muawiya after four Caliphs and the second was isolation of the human caliphate, which was common with the democratic methods during the four Caliphs period. The purpose of this study is to investigate the factors of Islamic political segregation as well as the strategy for its reconstruction from Maududi's perspective. The significance of this research is because of the fact that Maududi is one of the great contemporary Islamic thinkers who has been influencing the <em>Salafist </em>groups, which are nowadays are known as the cause of the breakup of and segregation in Islamic Ummah. This article compiles the necessary data and information in a documentary manner and interprets it in an analytical way from the perspective of Maududi.In spite of the emphasis on Islamic sources and texts on the establishment of the Islamic Ummah and its formation in the early Islamic centuries, this issue gradually began to differentiate and experiences a political segregation. This is due to the incorrect political behavior of the political elites and the incorrect understanding of the Islamic intellectual system when the new elements were replaced in the knowledge sysytem of Muslims. Maududi describes two factors as the most important elements in the split of Islamic unity.The first one was emergence of <em>Soltani's</em> system of ruling in Islamic state by Muawiya after four Caliphs and the second was isolation of the human caliphate, which was common with the democratic methods during the four Caliphs period. The purpose of this study is to investigate the factors of Islamic political segregation as well as the strategy for its reconstruction from Maududi's perspective. The significance of this research is because of the fact that Maududi is one of the great contemporary Islamic thinkers who has been influencing the <em>Salafist </em>groups, which are nowadays are known as the cause of the breakup of and segregation in Islamic Ummah. This article compiles the necessary data and information in a documentary manner and interprets it in an analytical way from the perspective of Maududi.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65184_d5aecba2883671efd85ad6ec4dd1064b.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848120180321PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT OF ELECTION POLLING PLACES USING GEOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SYSTEMPLANNING AND MANAGEMENT OF ELECTION POLLING PLACES USING GEOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SYSTEM2572696518510.22059/jpq.2018.218469.1006922FAKumarsYazdanpanahAssistant Professor; Department of Political Geography, Faculty of Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranMohammad RezaJelokhani-NiarakiAssistant Professor; Department of GIS and Remote sensing, Faculty of Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20161023Planning and management of elections has been considered as one of the critical issues across the world. After 37 years from Islamic revolution, Iran has been taking effective strategies to handle the election steps. Election process in Iran is of critical importance due to the fact that it is conceived as one of the political events that influences the power of country. Today, information technologies play a key role in managing election processes. Considering the political requirement of Iranian community, geo-spatial planning of polling places using Geographic Information System (GIS) provides an appropriate way for election process. GIS as a powerful tool with capabilities for storing, analyzing and visualizing spatial information offers an effective tool for managing election process. Although the political atmosphere mainly affects the election results, and, in turn, the country’s future plans and decisions, a GIS-based election management makes a considerable contribution to the election success. Therefore, this paper presents a GIS-based approach for planning and management of the election process, where it integrates the concepts of GIS and election domains to offer a system for supporting election steps.Planning and management of elections has been considered as one of the critical issues across the world. After 37 years from Islamic revolution, Iran has been taking effective strategies to handle the election steps. Election process in Iran is of critical importance due to the fact that it is conceived as one of the political events that influences the power of country. Today, information technologies play a key role in managing election processes. Considering the political requirement of Iranian community, geo-spatial planning of polling places using Geographic Information System (GIS) provides an appropriate way for election process. GIS as a powerful tool with capabilities for storing, analyzing and visualizing spatial information offers an effective tool for managing election process. Although the political atmosphere mainly affects the election results, and, in turn, the country’s future plans and decisions, a GIS-based election management makes a considerable contribution to the election success. Therefore, this paper presents a GIS-based approach for planning and management of the election process, where it integrates the concepts of GIS and election domains to offer a system for supporting election steps.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_65185_1d341dec29f9d1757c2ed53ed7fb8e14.pdf