University of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222U.S. STRATEGY ON DEMOCRATIC TRENDS IN SYRIA AND BAHRAIN; DILEMMA OR STRATEGIC BALANCE (2011-2016)U.S. STRATEGY ON DEMOCRATIC TRENDS IN SYRIA AND BAHRAIN; DILEMMA OR STRATEGIC BALANCE (2011-2016)8358526973510.22059/jpq.2018.236629.1007091FAMohsenEslamiAssistant Professor, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, IranHojjatDavandPhD Student, Political science, Iran's issues, University of TehranJournal Article20170705The bulk of the research conducted on the American strategy in relation to transition to democracy in West Asia stressed that the country was in the strategic dilemma situation. In a sense the Obama administration has sought to democratize and protect human rights and, on the other hand, it has been afraid of losing its strategic interests in the region. Such considerations have led to incongruous actions by the country. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to test the validity of these two hypotheses. So, the question that arises can be formulated as follows: What is US strategy in both Syria and Bahrain on democratic trends? Following the events of Syria and Bahrain after 2011, the hypothesis is that the US foreign policy is specified and could be called strategic balance. We believe maintaining a strategic balance by preventing the collapse of the balance of regional forces has been a top priority for US foreign policy. US strategy on democratic trends and protection of human rights in Syria and Bahrain are used in the context of the strategic balance in the region. And if there is a contradiction between these two categories (democracy and protection of human rights), the second issue is ignored by the United States of America.The bulk of the research conducted on the American strategy in relation to transition to democracy in West Asia stressed that the country was in the strategic dilemma situation. In a sense the Obama administration has sought to democratize and protect human rights and, on the other hand, it has been afraid of losing its strategic interests in the region. Such considerations have led to incongruous actions by the country. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to test the validity of these two hypotheses. So, the question that arises can be formulated as follows: What is US strategy in both Syria and Bahrain on democratic trends? Following the events of Syria and Bahrain after 2011, the hypothesis is that the US foreign policy is specified and could be called strategic balance. We believe maintaining a strategic balance by preventing the collapse of the balance of regional forces has been a top priority for US foreign policy. US strategy on democratic trends and protection of human rights in Syria and Bahrain are used in the context of the strategic balance in the region. And if there is a contradiction between these two categories (democracy and protection of human rights), the second issue is ignored by the United States of America.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69735_a6d77aced14c103de6d5e14498b50185.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222THE CONTROVERSIAL IDENTITY OF DEVELOPMENT DISCOURSES IN CONTEMPORARY IRANIAN HISTORYTHE CONTROVERSIAL IDENTITY OF DEVELOPMENT DISCOURSES IN CONTEMPORARY IRANIAN HISTORY8538706973610.22059/jpq.2018.245467.1007176FAJahanbakhshIzadiAssistant Professor, Political Sciences, Free Tehran Central Branch, Tehran, IranMostafaMotahariPh.D Student, Political Sciences, Azad University, Tehran Central Branch, Tehran, IranJournal Article20171108The identity flow of development in Iran has been accompanied by periodic reading of the framework and perceptions that the governments and its sovereignty have been as reform and development in the Qajar era in order to escape from the backwardness and approximate the parts of the structure Quasi-government of Qajar was in development. In the second Pahlavi period, with governmental reforms, to fill the vacuum of legitimacy, and during the Islamic Republic of Iran, was accompanied by a paradigmatic vacuum and a discourse on the scientific development of development. This article, with the concepts of development, identity and government in Iran, and historical contradictions in state-centered approaches to development, and with the application and use of the analytical-historical method, seeks to examine the reasons for the failure of development approaches in Iran with respect to identity characteristics Governments are in the three historical periods of the Qajar, Pahlavi, and the Islamic Republic.The identity flow of development in Iran has been accompanied by periodic reading of the framework and perceptions that the governments and its sovereignty have been as reform and development in the Qajar era in order to escape from the backwardness and approximate the parts of the structure Quasi-government of Qajar was in development. In the second Pahlavi period, with governmental reforms, to fill the vacuum of legitimacy, and during the Islamic Republic of Iran, was accompanied by a paradigmatic vacuum and a discourse on the scientific development of development. This article, with the concepts of development, identity and government in Iran, and historical contradictions in state-centered approaches to development, and with the application and use of the analytical-historical method, seeks to examine the reasons for the failure of development approaches in Iran with respect to identity characteristics Governments are in the three historical periods of the Qajar, Pahlavi, and the Islamic Republic.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69736_02b9e4f7aa1e5f60897e3688a8d3750b.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222ISIL TAKFIRI THOUGHT LINKED WITH THE RULE OF THE UMAYYADSISIL TAKFIRI THOUGHT LINKED WITH THE RULE OF THE UMAYYADS8718886973710.22059/jpq.2018.213233.1006875FAYaghubTavakoliAssistant Professor, Qom Islamic Education UniversityNoorallahKarimian KarimiInstructor, Islamic Studies Department, Arak UniversityJournal Article20160712The emergence of Wahhabism, followed by the emergence of new intellectual and political phenomena like the Taliban, al-Qaeda fi Bilad al-Rafidain and ISIS have led to different arguments in religious discourse in the Muslim world marked. In other Islamic sects such violence in Islamic history has been less experienced. That in order to overcome the Muslim communities, the “takfir” of other Muslims and promote a new image of religious violence toward other Islamic sects that such violence has been lower in the history of Islam. It seems that Wahhabism, Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State in early Islamic history was continuing a stream of thought Kharijites whether the notion of deterministic philosophy and tradition in their looks and appearances were searching for. But we believe that this speculation does not seem correct And we Aztasyrgzary Kharijites down more fundamental ideological and intellectual terminals for causing such developments do not know history Forth believe that this matter should be deeper and more thorough review and scrutinize and intellectual foundations of it be sought elsewhere.The emergence of Wahhabism, followed by the emergence of new intellectual and political phenomena like the Taliban, al-Qaeda fi Bilad al-Rafidain and ISIS have led to different arguments in religious discourse in the Muslim world marked. In other Islamic sects such violence in Islamic history has been less experienced. That in order to overcome the Muslim communities, the “takfir” of other Muslims and promote a new image of religious violence toward other Islamic sects that such violence has been lower in the history of Islam. It seems that Wahhabism, Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State in early Islamic history was continuing a stream of thought Kharijites whether the notion of deterministic philosophy and tradition in their looks and appearances were searching for. But we believe that this speculation does not seem correct And we Aztasyrgzary Kharijites down more fundamental ideological and intellectual terminals for causing such developments do not know history Forth believe that this matter should be deeper and more thorough review and scrutinize and intellectual foundations of it be sought elsewhere.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69737_461202d0171b769f402384b5f0989146.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222REGIONALISM IN NORTH AMERICA: DIFFERENCES AND INCOMPATIBILITIESREGIONALISM IN NORTH AMERICA: DIFFERENCES AND INCOMPATIBILITIES8899066973810.22059/jpq.2018.239401.1007115FAMohammadJamshidiAssistant Professor, Regional Studies, Tehran University0009-0005-7510-8790EsfandiarMohammadiPh.D. Candidate of Regional Studies, Tehran UniversityJournal Article20170917Regionalism is a process that began from Western Europe and with the passage of time, it witnessed some developments. Therefore, the starting point of regionalism studies, reviews and theorization have been mainly in the Western European region. This fact has led to a situation where actions and efforts of theoretical and practical regionalism in Europe is a criterion and standard for recognition and evaluation of regionalism in other regions of the world. Accordingly, since the establishment of integration agreements between the North American countries, namely, Canada-US Free Trade Agreement (CUSFTA) in 1989, North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994 among US, Mexico and Canada and then security and prosperity partnership of North America (SPP) in 2005 among US, Canada and Mexico from North American region, being termed “a region where the states have regional integration links”. However, the above mentioned regionalism agreements differ from the regionalism present in other parts of the world both in practice and regarding the concepts being used. It seems that the above-mentioned agreements in North America have created regionalization much different from regionalism. So the question of the present paper can be formulated as follows: Why do North American states welcome regionalization but show resistance to regionalism?Regionalism is a process that began from Western Europe and with the passage of time, it witnessed some developments. Therefore, the starting point of regionalism studies, reviews and theorization have been mainly in the Western European region. This fact has led to a situation where actions and efforts of theoretical and practical regionalism in Europe is a criterion and standard for recognition and evaluation of regionalism in other regions of the world. Accordingly, since the establishment of integration agreements between the North American countries, namely, Canada-US Free Trade Agreement (CUSFTA) in 1989, North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994 among US, Mexico and Canada and then security and prosperity partnership of North America (SPP) in 2005 among US, Canada and Mexico from North American region, being termed “a region where the states have regional integration links”. However, the above mentioned regionalism agreements differ from the regionalism present in other parts of the world both in practice and regarding the concepts being used. It seems that the above-mentioned agreements in North America have created regionalization much different from regionalism. So the question of the present paper can be formulated as follows: Why do North American states welcome regionalization but show resistance to regionalism?https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69738_fac547675324ac92cd29d55f9607a862.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222THE ANALYSIS OF ISIS IDEOLOGY BASED ON THE METHODOLOGY OF THOMAS SPRINGSTHE ANALYSIS OF ISIS IDEOLOGY BASED ON THE METHODOLOGY OF THOMAS SPRINGS9079266973910.22059/jpq.2018.224007.1006989FAAbbasHaidaryAssistant Professor, Shahid Bahonar University of KermanNasrollahNakhaei ZarandiM.A Student, Shahid Bahonar University of KermanJournal Article20170109The aim of this study is to investigate and discover Islamic State Ideology. This present paper tries to answer this question based on Thomas Springs methodology on how Islamic state ideology is formed in the Middle East The findings of this paper indicate that the formation of the Islamic State ideology is rooted in the contemporary crisis of the Middle East societies and the Muslim world . The Islamic State sees this existing crisis in Islamic societies in the modern Jahiliyyah communities. By comparing contemporary Islamic countries with the age of Jahiliyyah in the Prophet’s period, they believe that some issues such as infidelity, polytheism, idolatry, heresy and deviation from religion and Jahiliyyah lead to the formation of the modern and contemporary Jahiliyyah. In the opinion of Islamic State, the reasons of this crisis is rooted in some factors such as modernity that separates religion from politics, sectarianism with heretics that leads to a deviation from religion and the moral decadence of Muslims. In the point of view of Islamic State, the ultimate goal of committed Muslims should be establishing the rule of God on earth, so that all sins, sufferings and the pressure the disposed, and accordingly rebuilt community designed itself in the form of an Islamic caliphate in the past and Guided and the only way to get to the Hijra and jihad sees this ideal society.The aim of this study is to investigate and discover Islamic State Ideology. This present paper tries to answer this question based on Thomas Springs methodology on how Islamic state ideology is formed in the Middle East The findings of this paper indicate that the formation of the Islamic State ideology is rooted in the contemporary crisis of the Middle East societies and the Muslim world . The Islamic State sees this existing crisis in Islamic societies in the modern Jahiliyyah communities. By comparing contemporary Islamic countries with the age of Jahiliyyah in the Prophet’s period, they believe that some issues such as infidelity, polytheism, idolatry, heresy and deviation from religion and Jahiliyyah lead to the formation of the modern and contemporary Jahiliyyah. In the opinion of Islamic State, the reasons of this crisis is rooted in some factors such as modernity that separates religion from politics, sectarianism with heretics that leads to a deviation from religion and the moral decadence of Muslims. In the point of view of Islamic State, the ultimate goal of committed Muslims should be establishing the rule of God on earth, so that all sins, sufferings and the pressure the disposed, and accordingly rebuilt community designed itself in the form of an Islamic caliphate in the past and Guided and the only way to get to the Hijra and jihad sees this ideal society.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69739_b4366e4f7a98b9d6f8ff252be7206253.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222NEW SALAFISM AND ANALYSIS PROCESSES FOR IRAN'S REGIONAL SECURITY THREAT PATTERNSNEW SALAFISM AND ANALYSIS PROCESSES FOR IRAN'S REGIONAL SECURITY THREAT PATTERNS9279446974010.22059/jpq.2018.249075.1007198FAHosseinKhaniAssistant Professor, Political Science Department, Payame Noor University, IranJournal Article20180107The growth of New-Salafism and the emergence of the ISIS phenomenon in the Middle East show a new kind of threat that spread not only in a particular country, but also unprecedentedly in the Middle East. The purpose of the present paper is to study the threat of regional security in Iran as a result of the emergence of new security threats in the light of the emergence and expansion of New-Salafism. The main question is: “What are the drivers that affect the survival of New-Salafism and the formation of regional security threats?” In response, the main hypothesis of this paper is based on the fact that the above-mentioned process, at three levels and under the influence of crisis drivers, includes “action of international actors,” Divergence in the coherence of the social structure of the Muslim world “and” ideological competition and the disparity of interests of rival regional actors.” Research findings include globalization, increased security of Israel, the duality of order/irregularity during the transition period, the proletarian wars, nostalgia, and the emergence of Takfiri Salafist groups, Anti-Shiite and jurisprudence, ethnic cleansing, identity crisis, and overcrowded governments.The growth of New-Salafism and the emergence of the ISIS phenomenon in the Middle East show a new kind of threat that spread not only in a particular country, but also unprecedentedly in the Middle East. The purpose of the present paper is to study the threat of regional security in Iran as a result of the emergence of new security threats in the light of the emergence and expansion of New-Salafism. The main question is: “What are the drivers that affect the survival of New-Salafism and the formation of regional security threats?” In response, the main hypothesis of this paper is based on the fact that the above-mentioned process, at three levels and under the influence of crisis drivers, includes “action of international actors,” Divergence in the coherence of the social structure of the Muslim world “and” ideological competition and the disparity of interests of rival regional actors.” Research findings include globalization, increased security of Israel, the duality of order/irregularity during the transition period, the proletarian wars, nostalgia, and the emergence of Takfiri Salafist groups, Anti-Shiite and jurisprudence, ethnic cleansing, identity crisis, and overcrowded governments.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69740_b2ad0e581e0195bcbf9684fe2dca3fbb.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222SAUDI ARABIA AND SECURITY THREAT AGAINST ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRANSAUDI ARABIA AND SECURITY THREAT AGAINST ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN9459606974110.22059/jpq.2018.255898.1007246FAAhmadDoostmohammadyAssociate Professor, regional studies, Faculty Law and Political Science, University of TehranMohammadRajabiAssistant Professor, Political Geography, Institute of Police Research and Social StudiesJournal Article20180415Over the past few months, Saudi Arabia has been subject to certain developments at different domestic, regional and international levels. These include Saudi mass purchase of arms from the US, tensions in its relations with Qatar, appointment of Mohammad bin Salman as the crown prince, and exposing its ties with the Zionist regime. What is considerable in all of these developments are the Saudi’s attempts to portray the Islamic Republic of Iran’s regional influence as a threat and using it as a pretext. These developments have attracted the attention of political and military elites in Iran and strategic affairs analysts look at the threats arising from them with special sensitivity. Given the diversity of the nature of threats and the importance of the role that security threats play in the fate of a country, the main objective of this paper is to examine the nature of these threats. Hence, the following question was raised to be investigated: What is the nature of the threats posed against Iran originating from recent developments in Saudi Arabia? To answer the question, an analysis was developed using the descriptive-analytical method, based on library sources, and with a view on the interaction between understanding and reality in the Copenhagen School, as the research approach of this paper. Consequently, the hypothesis was offered that the recent developments in Saudi Arabia are indicative of the country’s attempts to play a pivotal role in the United States’ moves to contain Iran’s regional influence. Such a role has especially intensified since the appointment of Bin Salman as crown prince, and, given his anti-Iran attitudes, threatens the Islamic Republic’s national security more than before.Over the past few months, Saudi Arabia has been subject to certain developments at different domestic, regional and international levels. These include Saudi mass purchase of arms from the US, tensions in its relations with Qatar, appointment of Mohammad bin Salman as the crown prince, and exposing its ties with the Zionist regime. What is considerable in all of these developments are the Saudi’s attempts to portray the Islamic Republic of Iran’s regional influence as a threat and using it as a pretext. These developments have attracted the attention of political and military elites in Iran and strategic affairs analysts look at the threats arising from them with special sensitivity. Given the diversity of the nature of threats and the importance of the role that security threats play in the fate of a country, the main objective of this paper is to examine the nature of these threats. Hence, the following question was raised to be investigated: What is the nature of the threats posed against Iran originating from recent developments in Saudi Arabia? To answer the question, an analysis was developed using the descriptive-analytical method, based on library sources, and with a view on the interaction between understanding and reality in the Copenhagen School, as the research approach of this paper. Consequently, the hypothesis was offered that the recent developments in Saudi Arabia are indicative of the country’s attempts to play a pivotal role in the United States’ moves to contain Iran’s regional influence. Such a role has especially intensified since the appointment of Bin Salman as crown prince, and, given his anti-Iran attitudes, threatens the Islamic Republic’s national security more than before.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69741_92a69ed33c2cf792dc965b0b6b12300d.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222NATIVE MODERNISM, A PROBE INTO SHEIKH HADI NAJMABADI'S THOUGHTSNATIVE MODERNISM, A PROBE INTO SHEIKH HADI NAJMABADI'S THOUGHTS9619776974210.22059/jpq.2018.228656.1007028FASadeghZibakalamProfessor, Political Science Department, University of TehranMohammadBidgoliPh.D, Political Science, Islamic Azad University0000-0002-5649-3487Journal Article20170307The description of the Iranians’ confrontation with modernity has always been considered as one of the controversial arguments in the Iranian academic circles in recent decades. These arguments intend to contrast tradition with modernity from different perspectives through creating binary issues or they tend to imperiously consider this confrontation from the nativization of the point of view of modernity in governmental environments. But in the middle of these two perspectives on delving into the spirituality of the constitutional government era and even the more recent eras, it crosses into one’s mind that considering the two aforementioned perspectives cannot describe the available general and factual lines in the constitutional government and the desire for the constitutional government and gaining access to such an issue requires recycling the describing beliefs on modern organizations pertaining to the characters who have been partially ignored in the arena of the contemporary political history of Iran and the political thought.The description of the Iranians’ confrontation with modernity has always been considered as one of the controversial arguments in the Iranian academic circles in recent decades. These arguments intend to contrast tradition with modernity from different perspectives through creating binary issues or they tend to imperiously consider this confrontation from the nativization of the point of view of modernity in governmental environments. But in the middle of these two perspectives on delving into the spirituality of the constitutional government era and even the more recent eras, it crosses into one’s mind that considering the two aforementioned perspectives cannot describe the available general and factual lines in the constitutional government and the desire for the constitutional government and gaining access to such an issue requires recycling the describing beliefs on modern organizations pertaining to the characters who have been partially ignored in the arena of the contemporary political history of Iran and the political thought.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69742_1572896563ee3d0d1269c8f7c9fe34cb.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222RUSSIA'S IDENTITY AND INTERESTS IN THE EURASIAN REGIONALISMRUSSIA'S IDENTITY AND INTERESTS IN THE EURASIAN REGIONALISM97910006974310.22059/jpq.2018.221290.1006968FABahareSazmandAssociated Professor, Regional Studies Department, University of Tehran0000-0003-4838-8430HosseinSoranariPh.D Student, the Studies of the Caucasus and Central Asia, University of TehranJournal Article20161205Russian identity discourses, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, have faced a region consisting of states and territorial boundaries around the border of Russia that were previously defined in the form of a “we”, and now those states must be redefined as “they” and their place would have also been determined in the Russian continuum of “other-self”. These discourses in the self-redefinition have emphasized on a range of different perceptions, from the continuation of “unity in the form of we” in the post-Soviet era to “Otherness” and “alienation” in the Eurasian region. Depending on the identical consideration or different consideration of identity, Eurasian regionalism have different representations in Russian macro-discourses of identity (westernism, statism and Eurasianism) and thus the preferences of Russia in this process is accompanied with neglectful and emphatic turnings. This Research is trying to find the reasons for volatilities of Russian participation in the Eurasian regionalism, by applying the theory of “critical constructivist regionalism”, while emphasizing on the assumption that “identity debates in Russian foreign policy discourses have been the reason for neglectful and emphatic turnings in the preference of participation in the Eurasian regionalism.”Russian identity discourses, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, have faced a region consisting of states and territorial boundaries around the border of Russia that were previously defined in the form of a “we”, and now those states must be redefined as “they” and their place would have also been determined in the Russian continuum of “other-self”. These discourses in the self-redefinition have emphasized on a range of different perceptions, from the continuation of “unity in the form of we” in the post-Soviet era to “Otherness” and “alienation” in the Eurasian region. Depending on the identical consideration or different consideration of identity, Eurasian regionalism have different representations in Russian macro-discourses of identity (westernism, statism and Eurasianism) and thus the preferences of Russia in this process is accompanied with neglectful and emphatic turnings. This Research is trying to find the reasons for volatilities of Russian participation in the Eurasian regionalism, by applying the theory of “critical constructivist regionalism”, while emphasizing on the assumption that “identity debates in Russian foreign policy discourses have been the reason for neglectful and emphatic turnings in the preference of participation in the Eurasian regionalism.”https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69743_1f376f49e57d4d7787a5b5b4489edd25.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222POWER TRANSITION IN EAST ASIA: PROSPECT OF POWER IN LIGHT OF NEW DYNAMICS OF THE REGIONPOWER TRANSITION IN EAST ASIA: PROSPECT OF POWER IN LIGHT OF NEW DYNAMICS OF THE REGION100110196974410.22059/jpq.2018.248524.1007194FAMohammadaliShirkhaniProfessor, International Relations Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranFatemehMahroughPh. D. Student, International Relations Department, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20171230Of the important indicators in identifying power dynamics in the East Asian region is the recognition of the situation of “power transition”, namely, the status of Asia in becoming the center of world politics. The purpose of this article is explanation of how the rise of the very new power dynamic is impending in East Asia by assessing two rival theoretical approaches of “balance of power” and “power transition”. Data show more explanatory strength of the latter in comparison to the previous. The innovation of the paper is that that in spite of explanatory strength of “transition power”, traditional understanding of transition power theory is incapable of explaining today's complex international system. So, it requires revision in its concepts and components to make it consistent with today’s international system and region. According to this, the hypothesis of the paper is that complexity and a nonlinear character prevailing in the international system has led to bifurcation of transition in today’s system, as if it was shaping Dual hierarchical order with US leadership in security and China in economy in East Asia. Given this, the methodology of the article is inductive-deductive which involves using theory and quantitative methods in assessing the application of the theory based on the World Bank, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the Stockholm Institute for the Study of Peace (SIPRI) databases.Of the important indicators in identifying power dynamics in the East Asian region is the recognition of the situation of “power transition”, namely, the status of Asia in becoming the center of world politics. The purpose of this article is explanation of how the rise of the very new power dynamic is impending in East Asia by assessing two rival theoretical approaches of “balance of power” and “power transition”. Data show more explanatory strength of the latter in comparison to the previous. The innovation of the paper is that that in spite of explanatory strength of “transition power”, traditional understanding of transition power theory is incapable of explaining today's complex international system. So, it requires revision in its concepts and components to make it consistent with today’s international system and region. According to this, the hypothesis of the paper is that complexity and a nonlinear character prevailing in the international system has led to bifurcation of transition in today’s system, as if it was shaping Dual hierarchical order with US leadership in security and China in economy in East Asia. Given this, the methodology of the article is inductive-deductive which involves using theory and quantitative methods in assessing the application of the theory based on the World Bank, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the Stockholm Institute for the Study of Peace (SIPRI) databases.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69744_8e38766ce0313e01d7cf8320f6fcfb32.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222NORMATIVE ROLE OF EUROPEAN UNION IN INTERNATIONAL SOCIETYNORMATIVE ROLE OF EUROPEAN UNION IN INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY102110386974510.22059/jpq.2018.205300.1006776FAEbrahimSeddighAssistant Professor, Islamic Azad UniversityJournal Article20160516Considering that structure shapes the behavior of social and political players including states, therefore, normative structures (such as culture, language, religion, discourse and etc which are both cognitive and value-based) are as important as material ones. European Union, as one of most coherent unions of world both politically and economically, has taken great strides in order to reach cooperation and integration. Though the union has initiated new explanation and concept for cooperation and integration of states in the literature of International Relations, we need to study the position of the union as the important factor in international society with further reflection. Accordingly, this article is to study the role of European Union in shaping international norms.Considering that structure shapes the behavior of social and political players including states, therefore, normative structures (such as culture, language, religion, discourse and etc which are both cognitive and value-based) are as important as material ones. European Union, as one of most coherent unions of world both politically and economically, has taken great strides in order to reach cooperation and integration. Though the union has initiated new explanation and concept for cooperation and integration of states in the literature of International Relations, we need to study the position of the union as the important factor in international society with further reflection. Accordingly, this article is to study the role of European Union in shaping international norms.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69745_46d585cea140bbded1ae21a8ad240930.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222REASONS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS IN SOUTH CAUCASIAN REPUBLICSREASONS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS IN SOUTH CAUCASIAN REPUBLICS103910566974610.22059/jpq.2018.223239.1006984FAElaheKolaeeProfessor, Regional Studies Department, University of Tehran0000-0001-9655-0995PeymanKaviani FarMs, Regional Studies Department, University of TehranJournal Article20170109All three republics of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia after the independence passed their first constitutions in 1995 and in the consequent years amended the constitutions at least two or three times. The amendments coincided with the power transition and election period which made their effects vast and considerable. Given this background, the main question of this research is that what has been the most important factor contributing to constitutional amendments in the three south Caucasian republics? Comparative evaluation of the issue shows specific homogeneity and heterogeneity between these three countries which may be experienced in other developing countries as well. To answer the question, we should pay attention to the context specially the political environment, major actors and benefiting elements and also judicial and political consequences of each amendment. The main hypothesis of this research is that maintaining power in the hands of ruling elites has been the main cause of constitutional amendments in all three republics. The method of research is descriptive–analytical.All three republics of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia after the independence passed their first constitutions in 1995 and in the consequent years amended the constitutions at least two or three times. The amendments coincided with the power transition and election period which made their effects vast and considerable. Given this background, the main question of this research is that what has been the most important factor contributing to constitutional amendments in the three south Caucasian republics? Comparative evaluation of the issue shows specific homogeneity and heterogeneity between these three countries which may be experienced in other developing countries as well. To answer the question, we should pay attention to the context specially the political environment, major actors and benefiting elements and also judicial and political consequences of each amendment. The main hypothesis of this research is that maintaining power in the hands of ruling elites has been the main cause of constitutional amendments in all three republics. The method of research is descriptive–analytical.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69746_079937acce1a03a602ec424a78396b6c.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222A SURVEY ON THE ROOTS OF GOVERNMENT`S SECURITY LOOK AT DOMESTIC SPHERE IN QAJAR ERAA SURVEY ON THE ROOTS OF GOVERNMENT`S SECURITY LOOK AT DOMESTIC SPHERE IN QAJAR ERA105710746974710.22059/jpq.2018.16857.FAAhmadNaghibZadehProfessor, Political Sciences, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranSonaGhajarPh.D Student, Political Sciences, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20100706This paper studies the roots of the government's security look at the domestic sphere.
“States security’s look at domestic sphere”, from our point of view, means the states security orientation toward to all issues taking place in its domestic and foreign sphere. Based on Lipset and Rokkan theories, we should find roots of states approach in the main orientations that they take on going through the significant historical course of their development. As a result, considering that the first steps to modernization in Iran were taken during the Qajar era, it is necessary to do research on the states approach in this historical period.This paper studies the roots of the government's security look at the domestic sphere.
“States security’s look at domestic sphere”, from our point of view, means the states security orientation toward to all issues taking place in its domestic and foreign sphere. Based on Lipset and Rokkan theories, we should find roots of states approach in the main orientations that they take on going through the significant historical course of their development. As a result, considering that the first steps to modernization in Iran were taken during the Qajar era, it is necessary to do research on the states approach in this historical period.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69747_24b483f57e93029aa801545ad0248083.pdfUniversity of TehranPOLITICAL QUARTERLY1735-967848420181222FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE YEMEN CRISIS (2011-2015)FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE YEMEN CRISIS (2011-2015)107510926974810.22059/jpq.2018.217749.1006913FAEnayat AllahYazdaniAssociate Professor, Political Science Det. University of IsfahanSeyed SaiedHassanzadehM.A. in International Relations, Department of Political Science, University of IsfahanJournal Article20160904Foreign policy of major powers in international issues and regional developments are very important. In a way that sometimes, their presence decides the political fate of a country and is influential in its transformation. Yemen witnessed violent conflict in recent years that the internal conflicts started and now has become the arena of confrontation of regional and trans-regional powers. Political crisis in this country started in 2011 after the departure of Saleh and in 2015 the crisis appeared in another form. Saudi Arabia is a major player in Yemen always trying to weaken Yemen to increase its influence in the country. The fall of Saleh and the creation of key Saudi Arabia Mansur Hadi, and popular opposition at the same time, Yemen has been involved in tension until now. In the face of these developments, US-Saudi special partnership is another important factor. This paper aims to address this question: What is the American and the Saudi Arabian foreign policy towards the Syrian crisis? The main argument of the paper is that Saudi Arabia's involvement in Yemen, Policy <em>status quo</em> with invasive approach and the United States of America to protect its own interests that Sometimes at odds with the policies of Saudi Arabia, towards these developments, convergence approach is adopted by Saudi Arabia. The research method in this paper is descriptive analysis and use of library tools.Foreign policy of major powers in international issues and regional developments are very important. In a way that sometimes, their presence decides the political fate of a country and is influential in its transformation. Yemen witnessed violent conflict in recent years that the internal conflicts started and now has become the arena of confrontation of regional and trans-regional powers. Political crisis in this country started in 2011 after the departure of Saleh and in 2015 the crisis appeared in another form. Saudi Arabia is a major player in Yemen always trying to weaken Yemen to increase its influence in the country. The fall of Saleh and the creation of key Saudi Arabia Mansur Hadi, and popular opposition at the same time, Yemen has been involved in tension until now. In the face of these developments, US-Saudi special partnership is another important factor. This paper aims to address this question: What is the American and the Saudi Arabian foreign policy towards the Syrian crisis? The main argument of the paper is that Saudi Arabia's involvement in Yemen, Policy <em>status quo</em> with invasive approach and the United States of America to protect its own interests that Sometimes at odds with the policies of Saudi Arabia, towards these developments, convergence approach is adopted by Saudi Arabia. The research method in this paper is descriptive analysis and use of library tools.https://jpq.ut.ac.ir/article_69748_c5222c186054fa9b75b8596f21040e5d.pdf